Sources and history

A 'marine pact' by will

The text written by D'Annunzio has just been acquired by the Fondazione il Vittoriale: it reveals his face as a wise mediator and his ideas on work. The president reveals the significance of the operation

by Giordano Bruno Guerri

9' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

9' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

In 1923, the masses of workers, returning from the trenches, pressed for new rights while Fascism came to power and struggled to contain the opposing thrusts of trade unions and big capitalists. The merchant navy was the battleground between the F.I.L.M. (Italian Federation of Sea Workers), chaired by Giuseppe Giulietti, and the powerful class of shipowners. And at the Vittoriale another social utopia was born after the one at Fiume: imagine Gabriele d'Annunzio not as the Vate of pleasure, poetry and war, but as a stormy trade unionist flanked by another novel character, Giulietti, to whom d'Annunzio wrote with the affectionate nickname of Fafin.

A Romagnolo from Rimini, transplanted to Genoa, magnetic, shrewd and endowed with a rhetoric that even the young Mussolini envied him, in 1914 it was he who lent two thousand lire to Benito (who had just resigned from the Avanti!) to found Il Popolo d'Italia. His 'work of art', however, was the hijacking of the steamship Persia in 1919: a ship loaded with weapons and champagne that he handed over to the Rijeka Legionnaires, guaranteeing the city's economic survival. He founded the Garibaldi Cooperative, in open defiance of the giants of naval capitalism, sharing with d'Annunzio what the Poet called a 'fraternal alliance' in the political battle for the rights of the 'People of the Sea', to which d'Annunzio felt he belonged.

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I documenti del Vittoriale

Photogallery7 foto

For the Vate, at the height of his fame, the sea is not simply a natural element. In his early works, the Adriatic is celebrated as a primordial force: 'O sea, O glory, strength of Italia'. It is a sea that 'tempers the nerves and songs', a 'present god' to whom the young poet offers himself in almost religious adoration, demonstrating a profound technical and anthropological knowledge of the life of fishermen. With maturity, the sea takes on a more complex significance, linked to the ideal of the Superman and heroic action. Famous is Pompey the Great's motto of which he took possession: To sail is necessary; it is not necessary to live, and the passage from the aesthetics of words to political passion finds its catalyst in the sea. The Adriatic ceases to be just the sea of intimacy to become the Amarissimo, the mare nostrum to be claimed. In 1908, during a banquet for the tragedy La Nave, which contains the famous verse Arma la prora e salpa verso il mondo, d'Annunzio pronounced a toast to the bitter Adriatic, inflaming patriotic and irredentist sentiment against Austria. During the Great War, he challenged the 'black Adriatic waters' in the Buccari exploit and the flight over Cattaro, experiencing the sea as a heroic space. Finally, during his years at the Vittoriale, he crystallised this relationship in the monument-reliquary of the Nave Puglia, set into the hillside with its prow facing the Adriatic and the irredent lands. The sea, for d'Annunzio, was the mirror of his inimitable life, so much so that he even fables that he was born among the waves aboard a brig.

The heart of the very recent - precious - acquisition of unpublished documents by the Fondazione Il Vittoriale degli Italiani reveals a d'Annunzio tireless legislator and mediator who on 11 July 1923 sends Giulietti the text of the new Pact Marino, written entirely in his own hand. Named by him Pactum sine nomine (because it had no signatures to obscure its popular tune), the document was a masterpiece of social justice that went beyond rhetoric. The pact called for the recognition of the Garibaldi Cooperative, the inviolability of the organic regulations of 1913, indemnities for sailors' families and the creation of an arbitration board to regulate boarding shifts, avoiding privileges and persecution. For d'Annunzio, the sailors are 'his people', the 'tough race that knows how to suffer'. The Pact is not just a contract, it is the 'testimony of a brother sailor' against 'obstinate avarice'.

The documents show how d'Annunzio was the only moral counterbalance capable of speaking as an equal with Mussolini and, at the same time, defending Giulietti from the squadrist aggressions. D'Annunzio used his prestige to 'impose justice' on the government, which he accused of procrastination. He wrote to the Duce, on 18 July 1923: "But you, who were not born a procrastinator and who do not want to die a Cunctator, you stall and you stall!" He accuses him of being a succubus of the ship-owners, 'sea reptiles: I believe, however, that the sea reptiles are trying to cling to you like a new Laocoon in the act of immolating no longer the bull sacred to Neptune but the golden calf to the oceanic fortune of Italia' (telegram to Mussolini, 26 July 1923).

D'Annunzio turned a labour dispute into a religious rite of national pacification but, despite Mussolini's telegrams, which described the pact as 'beautiful' and 'holy', documents testify to the failure of the negotiations. The shipowners put up fierce resistance, proposing 'codicils' that d'Annunzio disdainfully rejected. In September 1923, as proof of the fascist support for the industrialists, there was the invasion of the Casa della Gente di Mare in Genoa. This was followed by the outraged protests of the poet, by then disillusioned about the real intentions of the local authorities and the government. His handwritten letter of 21 September to Mussolini reads: 'I have the sad news that tonight in Genoa a mob of turbid and troublemakers invaded the Casa dei Federati under the false pretext of I don't know what administrative differences. It seems obvious to me that even this act of violence is premeditated and promoted by the Shipowners... Please enlighten me as to what happened tonight, for it is unfair in me to suspect that the local authorities are conniving.

The 'Gardone hoax' - so defined in a telegram of 16 August 1923 sent to Costanzo Ciano, then Undersecretary of State for the Navy - left the Vate in a 'black melancholy'. He saw the Duce's promises belied by Fascist trade unionism, which in 1924 would end up absorbing or dismantling independent organisations such as the F.I.L.M. Here is the full text of the telegram, which is not light: 'With exemplary Franciscan patience I have waited too many days for an official communication from the government on the Pact. stop. My honour as an irreprehensible gentleman cannot admit that I should be used such a gross rudeness after so many emphatic assurances. stop. To the Beffa di Buccari you can now add the much less glorious Beffa di Gardone. stop. i cannot congratulate the president. stop. his severe definition of prejudice can be extended to the whole of this long-winded mockery of which i am today the scornful victim. stop. Intelligence remains at the hermitage of the Vittoriale not obscured. stop. The government fails in its documented commitments, and has me insulted by shipowners who in other times traded with the enemy. stop. I must make public the demonstration. stop. See you soon in Rome. stop". He never went to Rome again.

The documents acquired by the Vittoriale deliver us a fundamental legacy: the idea of work that is not just toil but the elevation of man. Although the Marino Pact never fully came into force, it remains - together with the Carnaro Charter - the political testament of a poet who sought to fuse ancient Italia municipalism with the modern needs of the proletariat.

Text of the Marino Pact (Pactum sine nomine)

"Christ lend us grace that we may go from strength to strength. "Biagio Assereto.

We have come together today to restore, in the firm pacification of minds and loyal cooperation of wills, the fortunes of the Italian merchant navy.

After so much bloodshed, after so much confused passion and after so much suffering, Italia is renewed from the ground up.

Those sincere men who felt the duty to fight, today feel the duty to build. And, on the verge of building 'the greatest Italia', they propose to imitate in silent ardour and measured toil those builders of the anonymous cathedral who, from the first architect to the last master stone mason, sacrificed name and fame and even merit to the glory of God.

So it is fitting that this pact should be sine nomine. And we do not allude in vain, in this choral and religious matter, to the title of a Mass by our Palestrina composed on a popular theme, on a pure melody of the people. Missa sine nomine.

The necessary signatures of the various defendants do not represent anything other than the equitable spirit of all. Pactum sine nomine.

All true co-operation, all true co-operative concord, cannot be strengthened and cemented except by the spirit of sacrifice: by that spirit that is - and must be - our holy legacy of war, the legacy of our holy dead.

And, if it is helpful in the pact to invoke the protective testimony, we would like to wish that the nobility of the renewed Fatherland may not too late show its appreciation to the crews of the merchant navy by granting them the 'fighters' policy'.

And we also wish that the new government of Italia could grant the crews at sea the right to political voyage by ensuring their sincerity and safety in appropriate ways.

Let us remember, at the threshold of a stronger and more generous life, that our seafaring lineages surpassed in expansive virtue every example of Athens and Corinth.

Let us remember that they populated the most distant colonies; that they gave captains to all the armies of all the seas; that they brought to the Atlantic the customs of the Mediterranean; that they first found and attempted the four great routes to the Indies; that with the statutes of Gazaria and Rumania they initiated the Shipping Companies; who by their briefs and their praises and their consular decrees showed that they had deepened all wisdom in governing traffic; who established Banks throughout the East and elsewhere spread the mercantile benefit of loans and exchange.

Neither can the glorious vindication be ended here, nor can all be included in this covenant. For when the power of the race feels that the Past exists, it also feels the Future alive in its fist.

Therefore our faith in this pact, evoking the first people of the merchants and navigators in parliament, resurrects the old cry of the sworn Cintraco: 'fiat populus'. It resurrects the cry of unanimous assent: "Fiat! Fiat! "

And here are the essential conditions of the agreement.

I. The contribution of the federated mariners, which has the ancient and recent name of spiritual significance and fraternal communion "Provision of Benefit", will be obligatory in the measure of 2%. But purely voluntary, in the amount of 3%, will be that destined to the "Garibaldi" Cooperating Company. And it shall be inscribed in the contracts of employment the formula concerning the one and the other contribution, agreed upon and decreed. And of the socially beneficial use of this money, honourable guarantees shall be given.

II. The undertaking made by the Royal Government not to submit to new discussion the "Organic Regulations" determining the service of the employees of the shipping companies will be fully observed. These regulations shall not be recast in any way until the economic hardship that still afflicts the nation has been overcome; and any revisions shall be made in a spirit of fairness towards the employees and not with the intention of diminishing their acquired rights.

III. In order that the primitive pact, made between the Head of the Government and the Commander Gabriele d'Annunzio, may not be in any way violated or disappointed, the Advisory Council elected at the time is considered dissolved; and it is decreed that every request of the Shipowners, in respect of the Navigators and also of the Maritime Administrators, and every dispute between working and working seafarers, shall be submitted to the examination of a judicial authority elected by agreement and suffrage to settle the difference by arbitration.

IV. In maritime lines operated with a State subsidy and in transatlantic services which are not free, those employed in ship's rigging or in the care of expenses, if dismissed on account of infirmity or old age or for lack of office, shall be entitled to an indemnity equitably fixed by the above-mentioned board of arbitrators, apart from their social security institutions.

V. In the most opportune manner and in the shortest time possible, the sums owed to the State will be returned to the 'Garibaldi'; and this same Cooperating Company will be facilitated in the purchase of tankers superfluous to the Regia Marina.

VI. Bearing in mind that at the time of the holy war, every variety of traffic ship, without exception, ran into all the dangers of the treacherous seas, and that no amount of research can certainly determine the "unknown causes" for which so many ships disappeared, the families of the sailors serving on the two Italian steamers "Luigi Parodi" and "Gaspare" will finally be granted the just compensation that they have been waiting for so long in grief and misery.

VII. The aforesaid board of arbitrators shall regulate the rostering of ships, considering all the advantages of good service for the good ship in the good course and avoiding any persecutory exclusion and any odious privilege to the detriment of seafarers of all trades and all commands.

To these fundamental conditions of the fraternal agreement, it is useful to add - in our Latin, religious rather than superstitious way - the unanimous wish that the long Italian coast, fertile with men and works, may be as the whole of Liguria once was 'one building site' and that the free Italians may be renewed with the title of glory already bestowed on them by the ancient chronicler Jean d'Auton: 'Kings of the Sea'.

For sailors and shipowners and for all Italians of good faith and goodwill.

Gabriele d'Annunzio

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