Restricting access to citizenship for the Italian diaspora

The Council of Ministers no. 121 of 28 March 2025 approved the reform of citizenship regulations linked to jus sanguinis. Despite the fact that the current government is one of the most sensitive to the issue of Italian-descendants (this is traditionally a more relevant issue on the agenda of the centre-right rather than the centre-left), the reform goes in the direction of restricting access to citizenship and therefore overall does not provide answers to the need for a strategic engagement with the Italian diaspora around the world. The decree law and the two bills in the pipeline aim to strengthen the effective link between those who want to be Italian citizens and Italy, against the abuses committed over the years by those who sought a passport only to obtain free healthcare or to be able to travel visa-free with a European passport. This is a response to the administrative suffering of municipalities, Italian courts, and consulates, and overall aims to save resources from the state coffers. In short, an attempt is made to strengthen the idea of citizenship as a genuine demand to be part of the national community.

Only Italian descendants born abroad who have an Italian citizen born in Italy in the previous two generations will be eligible for citizenship. For children of Italians born abroad, citizenship is acquired only if they are born in Italy or if, prior to their birth, a parent resided for at least two continuous years in Italy. The following bills will require citizens born abroad to maintain real ties with Italy at least once every 25 years by voting, paying taxes or applying for documents. Birth certificates will have to be registered before the age of 25 and the request for citizenship will have to be submitted to a central office of the Maeci at a cost of up to €700 (compared to €300 some time ago).

This reform, if seen within an administrative logic, makes sense: it reduces paperwork and costs. The decree is an axe that will fall on the total number of asylum seekers: the net result will be an immediate drop in applications and perhaps a burden on Italian hospitals that will have to take in Italian-descendants about to give birth. However, according to a national strategic logic, it does not offer answers to the macro issues of our country's international projection. It does not design policies capable of exploiting the heritage constituted by the numerous communities of Italian descendants in the world, it simply closes the door. Italy is in decline: its demographic weight is shrinking and its economy is in relative decline. UN projections tell us that by the end of the century Italy's population will fall below 40 million (from the current 60) and that Italy's GDP is destined to fall out of the group of the world's top ten economies. We are in no position to waste anything.

The Italian diaspora in the world as a whole is estimated at around 90 million people, mainly concentrated in South and North America, but also in Europe and Australia. If we were to think of Italy as a differentiated but integrated community of citizens residing in Italy, of citizens residing outside Italy, and of oriundi who, though not entitled to citizenship, nevertheless preserve a bond with the country, then the Italian community would appear to us as a community of about 100/150 million people, territorially dispersed over several countries and several continents, and characterised by a very significant diasporic component. All this would have very significant policy implications for our country's politics, economy, society, culture and security.

Underlying this is a different way of conceiving the diaspora. In large sectors of public administration and politics, a vision dominates that thinks of the diaspora as a 'threat': as a burden, a cost, if not even a fraud. There is, however, a different view of the diaspora as an 'opportunity', one that thinks that if properly activated, diasporic communities can make an important contribution in terms of political influence and soft power, business and tourism development, intelligence sharing, cultural enrichment, and perhaps even in demographic terms. The terrain is fertile, just look at the press reaction in Argentina and Brazil where people reacted to the decree by shouting yet another betrayal. Communication had to be handled better. Instead of signalling that Italy is open to engaging the diaspora to develop a better future and a mutually beneficial relationship in the name of common origin, the message received from across the ocean is that 'the party is over'. There is still more to learn from countries like Israel, China or Ireland that know how to capitalise on their diasporas around the world.