Coalition dilemmas

After Vannacci, Meloni's crossroads between extreme right and new DC

Chasing the general could prove to be a mistake: the premier could dissipate the political investment towards DC-model 'white collateralism'

by Manuela Perrone

Reuters

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

The 'new conservatism' of Giorgia Meloni, as it has been christened in the foreign press, may be forced to change gear. After the farewell of General Roberto Vannacci to the League, Italy's centre-right is at a crossroads: the choice between radicalisation and normalisation, that is, between chasing the extreme flank and slipping the agenda towards the centre of the spectrum.

The risk of a shift to the right of the political centre of gravity

"From a general point of view," explains Fulvio Lorefice, political risk analyst at Bistoncini Partners, "the birth of Futuro Nazionale could represent a further stage in the shift to the right of the political barycentre in Italia: Fratelli d'Italia and Lega, at the outcome of the 2022 elections, had 184 deputies (equal to 46% of the assembly's components), while in 1994 there were 226 (equal to 35.87%). Assuming that Futuro Nazionale stands outside the current majority, as assured first and foremost by the League, the first risk is the radicalisation of the current majority and within it, more specifically, of Fratelli d'Italia'.

Loading...

The costs of radicalisation

But chasing Vannacci on the terrain of "radicalism" - first and foremost on the issues of security, immigration and support for Ukraine - could invalidate, according to Lorefice, "the great political investment made by Meloni in 'white collateralism' (Cisl, Coldiretti, Communion and Liberation) with the positive return that has ensued". Because the premier's ability to cover the centre area without leaving room for effective competition from the right, such as that of Matteo Salvini in the last three years, was undeniable.

A Trumpised right wing all the way?

The other big question is how far the new Vanaccian movement can establish itself as an attempt to Trumpise the Italian right. 'Meloni's relationship with the Trumpian galaxy,' Lorefice comments, 'has so far been almost a win-win. That is, she has benefited from the phenomenon as long as it has been profitable in terms of consensus, limiting herself to importing circumscribed and mostly cosmetic elements of the Maga proposal and imagery'. But in the face of the most extreme positions - the threat to annex Greenland, for example - Meloni distanced herself, embracing with her German and French partners European pragmatism in defence of Denmark and Greenland's territorial sovereignty. "Vannacci's launching of a political bid, on the other hand, could force Meloni and Fratelli d'Italia to come to terms to the end with the Trumpian universe and its political fallout, with the costs one can imagine."

"Crumble the potential consensus" of the Vannaccians

Some counter-moves will be inevitable, however, from here on, also considering the time that is left before the 2027 general elections, which allows Vannacci to organise his troops in Parliament and in the territories and to grow. "It would not be surprising," Lorefice argues, "to see the promotion ex novo of political proposals, inside and outside the centre-right coalition, similar to Futuro Nazionale, with the aim of 'crumbling' this area of potential consensus and 'draining' or 'diverting' votes to the policies. How much this area weighs, however, remains to be seen.

The Italexit case for Italia

The easiest comparison is with Italexit for Italia by Gianluigi Paragone, 'which, however, had - the expert notes - a stronger programmatic profile, a Eurosceptic populism to simplify, and a weaker leadership. Futuro Nazionale today seems to hinge on an opposite balance: weaker programmatic profile, stronger leadership'. We know how it ended: in spite of promising polls, Italexit stopped below 2% in both the House and the Senate. A circumstance from which Paragone himself had drawn the indication that there was 'no space outside the perimeter of the centre-right'.

How to read the European preference boom

Is this still the case or has the 'Trump factor' opened up this space? In the era of the personalisation of politics, Vannacci would seem to have an advantage over Paragone. And he starts off strong with the 500,000 preferences he obtained in the 2024 European elections, which he now claims to announce that he will not resign as an MEP: 'These are my votes'. As Lorefice recalls, the only constituency in which, despite being the leading candidate, he did not come first in terms of preferences was the island constituency where Raffaele Stancanelli prevailed instead. "These data to note that outside the coalitions it is always very hard. Betting on leadership is a cross and a delight, the dynamics of consensus vary greatly depending on the territorial contexts'.

The role of the media

For Lorefice, it will now have to be understood how much the media more closely linked to the oppositions will be incentivised 'to "pump up" Vannacci in the logic of weakening the centre-right in order to win the elections', making more concrete 'the risk that the wolf of the cattivist right, evoked not always on purpose in recent years, may materialise in Parliament at the next round'.

The judgement on Salvini

As for the game played by the Carroccio secretary, Lorefice sees two opposing theses. One is that of the 'little Salvini' that has allowed the League to distort itself with the entry of Vannacci, 'accentuating the loss of contact with the productive North and assuming an extreme right-wing profile that does not suit the average Legahist voter'. But there is also another, more daring thesis: that of the 'great Salvini', who 'in 2023 would have been able to transform the Vannacci 'threat' into an electoral resource for the League, in the hard times following the 2022 politics, and into a curb on the spread of radical right-wing proposals in our country, in competition with conservative forces'.

Meloni's challenge

Now, however, that bank has collapsed. And the hot potato is back in Meloni's hands: if "crises are opportunities", as the Prime Minister likes to repeat, this could even represent the occasion to definitively neutralise the extremisms of the "far right" and, thanks also to the relaunch of the "League of Governors", first transform Fdi into the new White Whale and then, who knows, realise Berlusconi's dream of federating the centre-right on the model of the American Republicans. Perhaps with the help of a few centrists allergic to the wide field and to marriage with the M5S, like Carlo Calenda.

Copyright reserved ©
Loading...

Brand connect

Loading...

Newsletter

Notizie e approfondimenti sugli avvenimenti politici, economici e finanziari.

Iscriviti