Antifascism in Europe: a mosaic of resistance between memory and new challenges

The activities of Antifa associations range from street demonstrations to cultural projects, from solidarity actions to campaigns against extreme right-wing processions or commemorations. In October, the issue came back into the news when journalist Alessandro Sahebi reported that he had been attacked, while with his wife and child, 'because he was wearing an anti-fascist sweatshirt'. Precisely, that of the Anti-Fascist Action movement.

These, like others, 'do not follow a centralised organisation, but move through fluid and territorial networks, responding to local emergencies or specific mobilisations', as Giorgia Bulli of the University of Florence explained in her essay The Politics of the Extreme Right in Italy.

The ANPI, the National Association of Italian Partisans, remains the symbolic and historical reference point of this front, even if it does not coincide with the most radical fringes. The association has repeatedly reiterated that its mission is 'to transform the baggage of values that formed the backbone of the Constitution - democracy, freedom, equality, work, solidarity, peace - into daily civil commitment'.

In Italian society, however, anti-fascism is no longer a unanimously shared value. On the one hand, there are those who consider it a civic duty, on the other, those who accuse Antifa movements of extremism or violence.

On a political and legal level, there are no proposals to criminalise anti-fascist movements. On the contrary, Italian laws - from Scelba of 1952 to Mancino of 1993 - aim to prevent the reorganisation of fascist groups, not to restrict those who oppose them. However, the presence of government parties with exponents who do not declare themselves anti-fascists has contributed to reigniting the public debate on the current meaning of anti-fascism.

In France, the contemporary anti-fascist movement emerged in the 1980s, when several radical groups began to explicitly call themselves 'antifa'. These realities, often located on the extreme left and inspired by anarchist or anti-authoritarian ideals, organised themselves to counter the growth of extreme right-wing movements.

However, the origins of French antifascism date back to the early 1920s, when the first opposition groups to Italian fascism were formed. Over the decades, the nature of these collectives has changed from structures linked to parties and trade unions to informal and autonomous networks that now mainly use digital tools to coordinate and mobilise.

The French antifa movement comprises a wide variety of groups, often local, ranging from student collectives and neighbourhood associations to more radical militant networks. Many activists seek to overcome the stereotypical image of the 'hooded' antifascist, promoting instead a more inclusive message connected to contemporary issues such as anti-racism, gender equality and social justice.

Although there is no law banning the antifa movement, some local collectives have been disbanded through administrative measures based on laws not originally intended to regulate political activity. Such incidents have fuelled the debate on the respect of freedom of association and expression.

In Spain, the antifascist movement is a broad and decentralised set of collectives, assemblies and local networks committed against fascism, racism and the extreme right. Major cities, such as Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Zaragoza and Bilbao, host autonomously organised but often interconnected groups that combine political engagement with cultural and community activities.

The Spanish movement is distinguished by its diversity: alongside the traditional anti-fascist collectives, there are groups linked to the football environment, such as left-wing ultras, and platforms that coordinate the action of different anti-capitalist and social movements.

Every year, 20 November - the anniversary of Francisco Franco's death - is a symbolic date for Spanish anti-fascism. On that day, demonstrations take place all over the country to reaffirm the historical memory and condemnation of Francoism. The approaching 50th anniversary of Franco's death reinforces the political significance of these mobilisations and the link between memory, resistance and civil rights.

In Austria, anti-fascism is not a unitary movement, but a network of associations, collectives and individual citizens working together on common initiatives. Activities range from seminars and educational debates to demonstrations against events organised by the extreme right.

The most active realities are concentrated in Vienna, where several anarchist- or feminist-inspired collectives operate, such as those united under open and assemblyist acronyms. Every year, anti-fascist mobilisations reach their peak on the occasion of the right-wing student guild ball, a traditional event that attracts prominent figures of the European extreme right and provokes strong protests.

In recent years, some right-wing political forces have called for a ban on anti-fascist groups, arguing that they pose a threat to public order. However, official data show that incidents of violence linked to the anti-fascist area are numerically lower than those from far-right movements, keeping the debate open on the proportionality of any repressive measures.

In Greece, the contemporary anti-fascist movement took an organised form after the neo-Nazi party Alba Dorata entered parliament in 2012. The emergence of local and national coordinations was a direct response to political violence and attacks against migrants and activists.

Greek anti-fascist organisations range from local collectives to networks of anarchist and socialist inspiration. They operate through cultural initiatives, demonstrations and awareness-raising campaigns, maintaining a strongly autonomous approach in relation to traditional parties.

The state does not consider anti-fascism a criminal phenomenon, but over the years there has been no lack of tension between the authorities and demonstrators, often resulting in repression. The judicial conviction of Golden Dawn as a criminal organisation in 2020 represented a historic moment, the result of a long process of mobilisation and pressure from below.

Today, in spite of the political defeat of Golden Dawn, the presence of new far-right groups and the spread of a more radicalised public discourse keep the attention of anti-fascist movements high, which continue to play a central role in countering racism and political violence.

In the Czech Republic, anti-fascism has long remained a marginal issue, confined to anarchist circles and youth movements. The first anti-fascist demonstrations date back to the 1990s, when small groups organised counter-demonstrations against neo-Nazi marches.

It is only in recent years that the topic has gained wider attention, partly due to the political debate on the extreme right and historical memory. Czech antifascism manifests itself mainly as civil and cultural opposition, rather than as a militant movement.

Some populist politicians have tried to portray anti-fascism as a form of extremism, following rhetoric imported from other countries. However, the Czech reality is characterised by a low level of violent political conflict and a limited militant landscape. The anti-fascist commitment thus remains mainly symbolic, linked to the defence of democracy, civil rights and the memory of the struggles against 20th-century totalitarianism.

*This article is part of the European collaborative journalism project "Pulse"