The presidential run-off

Brazil: Lula and Bolsonaro court the evangelical vote

Voters from Pentecostal churches account for 30 per cent of the population. The evangelical vote is hotly contested but tends to be conservative: 75 per cent of believers support Bolsonaro

Testa a testa. I candidati alla presidenza del Brasile, Flavio Bolsonaro (a sinistra) e Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, durante un dibattito. Gli ultimi sondaggi li danno appaiati al 50% (EPA)

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

At seven o’clock in the evening, on the streets of Rio de Janeiro, the lights in the Evangelical churches come on before those in the shops. Inside, the pews are full; the music swells, and some people weep, some sing, and some pray.

It is a scene that is repeated in thousands of neighbourhoods, from the favelas of São Paulo to the villages of the North-East. In just a few decades, Brazil’s religious landscape has changed, and that change has reached the halls of power. Lula and Flavio Bolsonaro are vying for their votes: the evangelical lobby could determine the outcome of tomorrow’s run-off. Neo-Pentecostals account for over 30 per cent of the population: their brand of Christianity fits in well with the global market, whilst the Prosperity Gospel encourages people to become wealthy. The proportion of Catholics has fallen from 89 per cent in 1995 to 56 per cent today.

Loading...

The figures matter, but they are not enough to explain the political clout. What is striking is the discipline: on sensitive issues such as abortion, gender identity, sex education and euthanasia, the evangelical camp tends to present a united front. Its supporters speak of defending the family; its critics see it as an attempt to impose religious morality on a country that is secular by constitution.

It is impossible to understand Brazilian politics without focusing on the three ‘bancadas’, the power blocs within Brazil’s National Congress: the Bancada da Bíblia (the Bible bloc), the Bancada da Bala (the arms bloc) and the Bancada do Boi (the agribusiness bloc).

The term ‘Evangelical’ encompasses a variety of groups: the large Pentecostal churches, the neo-Pentecostal communities, and the small neighbourhood congregations. Many of these have sprung up on the outskirts of towns, close to where people go about their daily struggles and far from public services.

Alongside the moral battles lies a less visible arena: that of communication. Evangelical television and radio stations have a huge following. A pastor who speaks to millions of listeners every evening exerts an influence that no political rally can match, and social media amplifies this presence, often blending preaching with political messages.

In 2022, this pact was at the heart of the clash between Jair Bolsonaro and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Today, according to Datafolha polls on the eve of the run-off, around two-thirds of evangelical voters were backing Flavio Bolsonaro, whilst Lula sought to narrow that lead with messages aimed at the faithful, including a “Carta ao Povo Evangélico”, a letter to evangelicals.

The contested evangelical vote

The evangelical vote is not a monolithic bloc: it is a contested electorate, and may prove decisive precisely because it is geographically dispersed. Both candidates are negotiating for significant blocks of votes.

Brazilian political analysts, including Viviane Costa, author of *i* *Traficantes evangelicos* , published by Godbooks, explain that the evangelical vote is not automatically right-wing. There are progressive communities that prioritise employment, social justice and the environment. However, in the most recent presidential elections, the majority of the faithful demonstrated a conservative leaning, with 75 per cent of evangelical voters supporting Flavio Bolsonaro.

However, there is also a strongly critical perspective on the Neo-Pentecostals. Claudileia Lemes Dias, a Brazilian legal scholar and author of the book *The Chains of Brazil*, published by L’asino d’oro, explains that large communities have converted to Neo-Pentecostalism whilst living under the authority of one or more drug traffickers who proclaim themselves to be pastors. ‘Pastors who draw inspiration from biblical figures characterised by violence and cruelty, who in the sacred narrative ultimately find divine redemption and give rise to cities or kingdoms: the logic is “I’ll buy my way into Heaven with drug money” – which is rather disturbing.’

Loading...

Lemes Dias explains that Edir Macedo (a fabulously wealthy Brazilian preacher and founder of the IURD, one of the most important evangelical churches) ‘used money from the Colombian drug trade to buy the Record television network’.

Tomorrow’s run-off will show us to what extent the Churches influence this vote. But their influence is a well-established fact: in the chambers of Congress, on the radio, in suburban canteens and in the evening prayers of millions of Brazilians.

Copyright reserved ©
Loading...

Brand connect

Loading...

Newsletter

Notizie e approfondimenti sugli avvenimenti politici, economici e finanziari.

Iscriviti