Trade

China sells more cars than the US and duties return

Beijing advances, from automotive to green technologies. And the American manufacturing association asks Biden for new protections to defend against the invasion of low-cost products

USA and China trade war. US of America and chinese flags crashed containers on sky at sunset background. 3d illustration

4' min read

4' min read

China is advancing, from cars to green technologies. And the US is responding to the challenge of its strategic rival by increasingly sharpening its tariff arsenal and striving to captain a tougher collective response to Beijing's aggressive 'dirigisme' distortions of market economies.

The latest and symbolic wake-up call: Chinese vehicle manufacturers have for the first time overtaken the historic American brands in the global sales ranking. The statistics are from the automotive intelligence company Jato Dynamics: 13.43 million Beijing vehicles arrived on the world's roads in 2023 against Detroit's 11.93 million. This is an advantageous position in an industry that has seen volume growth of 10% on a global basis, 12% in the USA and Canada, 16% in Europe and 3% in China. And where Shenzhen-based Byd is now also challenging Texas-based Tesla on electric models. It is no coincidence that it is on EVs that the US is playing perhaps the toughest game, with the imposition of particularly high barriers imitated by the Europeans.

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The car is not an isolated case: the star-studded manufacturing sector fears as never before the overcapacity on which Beijing relies and, in order to exorcise the spectre of neo-invasions of low-cost products, is asking the White House to wield a long-buried weapon. Section 421 - conceived at China's entry into the WTO in 2001 to create temporary barriers to avoid shocks - expired in 2013 and was used, the one and only time, by Barack Obama in 2009 to safeguard tyre manufacturers. Now the Alliance of American Manufacturing is calling for its reinstatement to counter a China that, j'accuse at every level between industry and policymakers, dangerously distorts industry and trade with its heavy hand of state.

Washington is not backing down. The climate is one of reinterpretation of protectionist solutions to correct the over-emphasis on free trade. All the more so as Beijing now assails cutting-edge frontiers, such as the electrification of transport and energy transition. Inaugurated by Donald Trump with a broadside in 2018, which aroused no small sensation and consternation, it is in fact the undisputed verbiage in the capital. An ethos shared by Democrats and Republicans alike, promising rare continuity beyond the next election results, be they re-runs of Joe Biden's administration or a Trump redemption.

Not insignificant differences, in fact, exist behind the widespread neo-confidence in the use of tariffs. In the tones, less warlike those of Biden, and in the sensitivity to allies and multilateralism, greater for the Democratic leader. At the G7 in Italy, Biden advocated, with partial success, a front aimed at containing Beijing. And after the US decided in May to quadruple duties to 1oo% on the import of Chinese Ev cars, this week the EU proposed new barriers from 17.4% to 38.1% against electric vehicles made in China, added to the 10% in force, up to maximums of 48%. Lastly, Turkey has aligned itself with 40% Chinese anti-Ev levies.

Janet Yellen, in the same days as the G7, articulated the message on China: speaking at the Economic Club of New York, the phlegmatic Treasury Secretary ruled out decoupling, separation of the two economies and open conflict. She did, however, attack Chinese policies with conviction, with quantities of local companies operating at a loss and ultra-concentrated supply chains. "They can significantly interfere with our efforts for a healthy economic relationship," he asserted. In retort, he claimed a US choice described as aimed at strengthening the country's competitiveness and that it is not shy "when foreign subsidies threaten the existence of domestic firms" in strategic sectors. The administration's secret nightmare is to see the major industrial policy legislation Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, designed to support energy and manufacturing innovation, thwarted. A project so ambitious that it has actually triggered controversy with the European partners themselves, who accuse it of discrimination in favour of Made in USA.

The last few months have certainly shown an escalation of US moves and rhetoric on Beijing. Last month saw the most striking gesture, the result of periodic reviews of trade strategies: Biden decreed a drastic yet focused crackdown on duties on $18 billion of imports, which besides electric vehicles targeted energy tech, steel, aluminium, medical equipment. On semiconductors and solar cells the barriers doubled to 50 per cent, on syringes and needles from zero to 50 per cent and on advanced batteries from 7.5 per cent to 25 per cent. Objective: 'Protect US workers and businesses from unfair Chinese practices' in 'sectors vital to the future'.

Biden, moreover, has so far preserved a range of punitive anti-China duties introduced by Trump. However, in a sign of the new times of storms on trade, he is now relaunching, giving both rivals and allies pause for thought: if elected in November, he said he was ready to escalate protectionism, with barriers of 60% against the 427 billion worth of goods arriving from Beijing every year and 10% against the rest of the world - a real shock for 3 trillion worth of imports. The Peterson Institute accuses such an indiscriminate proposal of causing uncontrolled international repercussions and costing the US economy 1.8% of GDP. Trump, however, insists and meeting with conservative parliamentarians he unleashed an unprecedented slogan: an 'all tariffs' policy that would also replace income taxes for Americans.

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