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Criminal liability of ministers, Europe divided between immunity and rule of law

The European Public Prosecutor's Office's call for reform of the Greek system reopens the debate on justice, politics and equality before the law in Europe

by Silvia Martelli (Il Sole 24 Ore), Janine Louloudi (EfSyn, Greece), Beatriz Parera (El Confidencial, Spain), Simona Voicu (HotNews.ro, Romania) and Krasen Nikolov (Mediapool, Bulgaria)

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

In Europe, the criminal liability of ministers remains a rough terrain, where the principle of the rule of law clashes with constitutional architectures that, in many countries, continue to offer enhanced protection to members of the executive branch. European Prosecutor Laura Kövesi's request in October to the Greek government to revise the controversial 'law on the responsibility of ministers' has brought back to the centre of the debate a question that goes far beyond the borders of Athens: how equal are citizens before the law when it comes to political power?

The Greek case: when politics decides whether justice can act

In Greece, the criminal liability of members of the government is governed by Article 86 of the Constitution and Law 4622/2019, which regulate the organisation of the executive and the functioning of the central administration. The heart of the problem lies in the special procedure provided for offences committed by ministers and deputy ministers during the performance of their duties: only Parliament has the power to initiate a criminal prosecution, with a decision requiring an absolute majority of 151 MPs out of 300.

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In other words, the judicial authority cannot proceed independently, not even to ascertain preliminary facts. Without the political green light, the investigation remains blocked. A system that, in practice, has produced an effect of almost total immunity, since the parliamentary majority tends to protect its exponents when in government and to invoke criminal liability only when in opposition.

According to Laura Kövesi, this mechanism not only violates the principle of separation of powers, but also comes into direct conflict with European law by preventing EPPO from investigating possible crimes involving EU funds. The implicit reference is to cases of great public importance, such as the Tempe train crash or potential irregularities in the management of EU resources. The result is an institutional paradox: ministers who, despite even serious allegations, hardly ever come before an ordinary court and, in many cases, are not even called upon to provide formal clarifications.

A fragmented European map

The Greek case is not an isolated one, but is part of an extremely heterogeneous European landscape. Each Member State has over time constructed its own balance between protection of the governmental function and criminal liability, with often very different outcomes.

In Spain, Article 102 of the Constitution stipulates that members of the government are criminally liable and judged by the Criminal Chamber of the Tribunal Supremo. The aforamiento system does not guarantee impunity, but assigns special jurisdiction to the institutional leadership. For ordinary crimes, the prosecution can proceed; for those involving state security, a qualified parliamentary initiative is required.

There is no shortage of court cases. Former ministers such as Jaume Matas, Rodrigo Rato and Eduardo Zaplana have been convicted of corruption and financial crimes. Others, such as José Manuel Soria, resigned following scandals, although without a final sentence. The most recent case, that of the former Minister of Transport José Luis Ábalos, investigated for alleged corruption related to the procurement of masks during the pandemic and remanded in custody, marks a turning point in Spanish practice.

In Italy, the criminal liability of ministers is regulated by Article 96 of the Constitution and Constitutional Law No. 1 of 1989. Here too, criminal prosecution is subject to parliamentary authorisation. The Tribunal of Ministers, composed of ordinary magistrates, carries out the preliminary investigation, but it is Parliament that decides whether the proceedings can go ahead.

Practice shows how decisions often follow political rather than legal logic. There is no shortage of cases in which ministers have been politically forced to resign despite being protected under criminal law. The most significant exception remains that of Matteo Salvini: the Senate authorised the trial in the Gregoretti and Open Arms cases only when the former interior minister was no longer part of the government majority, highlighting the deeply political nature of immunity decisions.

Romania: from protection to European alignment

Romania offers an example of institutional evolution. The Constitution and Law 115/1999 stipulate that the criminal investigation of ministers must be authorised by the Parliament or the President of the Republic. In the past, this system was often used to block magistrates' requests, but since 2019 the practice has changed radically.

According to data from the National Anti-Corruption Directorate (DNA), no request for authorisation has been rejected in recent years. A total of 36 ministers have been investigated, 16 definitively convicted and others are currently on trial. This is a sign of greater alignment with European standards, despite formal procedural guarantees.

Bulgaria: no immunity, but politicised justice

At the opposite extreme is Bulgaria, where ministers enjoy no criminal immunity. However, the absence of protections has not automatically translated into a higher quality of the rule of law. The judiciary, which is highly centralised and politically influential, has often initiated proceedings against former ministers only after they had switched to the opposition.

Arrests, investigations and acquittals follow one another, as in the cases of former Prime Minister Boyko Borissov or of several ministers involved in proceedings that were later dismissed or concluded with acquittals. A picture that shows how criminal responsibility, without an independent judiciary, risks turning into an instrument of political struggle.

The European Challenge

The comparison between the different models highlights an unresolved tension: on the one hand, the need to protect government action from arbitrary interference; on the other hand, the obligation to ensure that no public office holder is exempt from the law. The European Public Prosecutor's Office's stance on Greece thus takes on a broader symbolic and political value. It is not just a matter of national reform, but a question of the Union's consistency in upholding the rule of law.

*This article is part of the European collaborative journalism project "Pulse"

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