Differentiated autonomy and the unity of the country

The Constitutional Court's recent ruling on differentiated autonomy sets a milestone on a crucial issue: the unity of the country. According to the Constitutional Court, ordinary statute regions can obtain special forms of autonomy as provided for by the reform of Title V of the Constitution, but differentiation must not become "a factor of disintegration of national unity and social cohesion" and must be implemented in the context of the Italian form of state. The court also specified that Italian regionalism is cooperative and non-dual, i.e. it does not provide for 'watertight bulkheads' dividing the regions. These are significant statements, because for some years the push for autonomy seemed to leave the very issue of unity in the background.

A look at history helps to understand the changes that have taken place. The birth of the regions coincides with the approval of the Constitution. At the time the focus on the cohesion of the country was central: among the most important objectives of economic policy was the development of the south, to achieve the economic unification of Italy after the political one. Time is needed for the regional system to be implemented. There was resistance from the DC, for fear of alternative majorities to the central government. But Liberals and the Social Movement are also opposed. Concerned about the political unity of the state and public finances, they engage in vigorous parliamentary obstructionism. Among the most vocal critics was Giorgio Almirante.

The new authorities were established in 1970 with a focus on solidarity-based regionalism. This is why in several statutes of the northern regions great attention is paid to the south. Piedmont's statute reads: 'The region [...] works to overcome the territorial, economic and social imbalances that exist within its sphere and between the large areas of the country, with particular reference to the development of the south'. In that of Emilia-Romagna it says that the region is inspired by 'the need to overcome the existing economic, social and territorial imbalances within its own sphere and within the national community, with particular reference to the development of the Mezzogiorno'. This may perhaps seem strange, but from the perspective of cooperative regionalism it is not at all.

The change took shape in the 1990s: the mismanagement of public affairs by political parties emerged, state intervention in the South had lost efficiency for some time, and under the impetus of the League the southern question was replaced by the northern one. The aim was to give more autonomy to local authorities and in 2001 Title V was reformed, a prerequisite for differentiated autonomy. While the focus on the unity of the country and solidarity between citizens faded, the concentration only on one's own territory increased. Not long afterwards, the Veneto Regional Council tried to hold a referendum on the question 'Do you want Veneto to become an independent and sovereign republic?', while the richer regions campaigned to retain a large part of the taxes paid.

Some critical positions are not lacking. The concerns of the Catholic Church, which had also opposed unification in the 19th century, stand out. John Paul II already promoted a great prayer for the unity of the country in 1994. Subsequently, the Italian bishops intervened on several occasions on the subject. Recently, the Italian Episcopal Conference led by Cardinal Zuppi pointed out that differentiated autonomy 'risks undermining the foundations of that bond of solidarity between the different regions that is a guardian of the principle of unity of the Republic'.