Reforms

Differentiated autonomy: the Constitutional Court will bring the parties to an agreement

It is called to the purest exercise of its primary task of promoting the unifying function of the Constitution, putting differentiated autonomy back on track and bringing the parties, claimants and government, into agreement

by Maurizio Meschino and Alessandro Palanza

La sede a Roma della Corte costituzionale.

3' min read

3' min read

It is certain that the appeals to the Constitutional Court on the Calderoli law (No. 86/2024) do not oppose autonomy, let alone differentiated autonomy as envisaged by the Constitution. They oppose the unconstitutionality and uneconomicity of the law. The legal arguments are joined by economic and financial arguments supported by a very wide range of scholars and the highest independent institutions (Bank of Italy, Parliamentary Budget Office and Country Report on Italy of the European Commission).

The appeals, on the other hand, open the way for an implementation of differentiated autonomy in conformity with the Constitution as verified by the Court, allowing the dispute to be overcome. Minister Calderoli and President Zaia had declared themselves in favour of the reasonable regulation of the requests for understandings, the preservation of the strategic role of the State as well as the simultaneous implementation of fiscal federalism, essential levels and differentiated autonomy. Then the requests made in the past few days by the Veneto Region for the so-called non-Levels of government went in the opposite direction.

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Even the most experienced supporters of law no. 86/24 find it hard to understand the meaning of the great opposition that has grown in recent months in the country and in the most qualified public opinion. They continue to accuse it of being against autonomy and the Constitution in the wake of the previous scenario that saw those who supported the incongruity and impracticability of the rule on differentiated autonomy opposed on the one hand and those who amplified its scope to the point of requesting extensive transfers of matters or major functions on the basis of an imaginary derogation of Article 117 on the other.

After the parliamentary debate and appeals, the picture is quite different.

The recentappeal by more than 200 constitutionalists summarises the outcome, arguing that the implementation of the constitutional provision only allows for a limited expansion of the powers of an individual region and considering Law No. 86/24 misleading and lacking in limits and criteria in this respect. The appeal points out how the law places the national government at the centre of the procedure, making it the real deus ex machina that guides the agreement with the region concerned and presents the bill of agreement in its place, pushing Parliament and the Conference of the Regions to the margins, with a simple decree it can limit the matters subject to agreement. The differentiated autonomy of government is assumed as a single, fundamental and driving principle that overlaps with other constitutional norms.

The Recourse of Sardinia, the most criticised because it comes from a Region with a special statute, is the best proof of this Ptolemaic tendency of differentiated autonomy according to law no. 86, which degrades both special autonomy and ordinary autonomy, causing for both a serious lesion of status and of the overall sphere of competences. Exemplary is the provision of the law (Article 11, paragraph 2) that equates and extends to special autonomy the procedures for differentiated autonomy, mixing plans that the Constitution keeps distinct and separate.

It is up to the Constitutional Court to bring differentiated autonomy (Article 116, paragraph three) within the boundaries of ordinary autonomy drawn by the subsequent Article 117. Article 116, paragraph three, coordinates with and forms a system with Article 117 and in particular with paragraphs two and three, which indicate the subject areas. Differentiated autonomy operates within them and cannot escape the principle that dominates them whereby the State's role as a framework can be flexibly regulated but cannot be dispensed with in any matter or function. After all, the subjects are today reinterpreted by contemporary policies that are all necessarily multi-level, which call for an expansion from the regions, above all in terms of active and propulsive competition and cooperation in every matter.

The Constitutional Court for its part has already shown that it has grasped the urgency of a conflict that territorially divides the country and concerns the Constitution. The Court is therefore called upon to the purest exercise of its primary task of promoting the unifying function of the Constitution, by putting the differentiated autonomy back on track and bringing the parties, claimants and government, into agreement.

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