Trento Festival of Economics

Duties, Cottarelli: 'Trump will not go 50%, an agreement will be found in the end'

The Economist: Markets are rewarding our government's prudence. From Big Tech risks for democracy

by Luca Orlando

4' min read

4' min read

The dangers for democracy linked to the power of Big Tech. And then the risks of a loss of confidence in the Tresury, the growth of China, Europe's impasse in the face of the challenge of the other big areas. That of Carlo Cottarelli, economist and director of the education programme for economic and social sciences at the Catholic University (but in the past also Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund and Commissioner for Public Spending Reform) is a wide-ranging argument. Just as wide-ranging is the spectrum of topics dealt with in the book presented in Trento, 'Senza giri di parole', which ranges from the major global issues to the functioning mechanisms of the Italian State.

First of all, we speak of a transitional phase, one triggered by the growth of China, which has now become a superpower in terms not only of labour but also of capital and production, producing, for example, 54% of the world's steel, a third of global manufacturing output.

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'For the first time since the Second World War,' Cottarelli explains, 'we have two cocks in a henhouse and the speed of this turnaround has been astonishing, achieved in just a few decades. In the tariff war the real target is actually China, because however big they are, the US cannot challenge the whole world on its own. But even here Trump has realised that he has to act gradually, because the immediate replacement of Beijing's products is impossible'.

A relevant role could be played by Europe, which however for Cottarelli finds itself mired in the middle of the ford, unable to make further progress after the launch of the single market and the euro. "The EU budget is worth barely 1 per cent of European GDP and governance is also complicated, with decisions in part only possible with unanimity, in part codeliberated by Parliament and the Council, often with qualified majorities. In short, there is little money and no executive power comparable to that in Washington. This is the situation the US had for 13 years, until 1789, when the new constitution came into force. Here, nationalist parties are advancing, the United States of Europe is receding, many citizens do not want any more integration. I don't think this is a good thing, because among the many doubts set out in this book there is instead one great certainty: if we Europeans do not present a united front, we will count for nothing in front of the other areas'.

A fragility exacerbated by the growing power of big tech in the stars and stripes, which by now is larger than the GDP of entire states, posing real problems for democracy. "A single person," comments Cottarelli, referring to Elon Musk, "is able to turn off satellites on a territory influencing the outcome of the war in Ukraine, while in general in artificial intelligence everything is now in the hands of these companies, which have invested hundreds of billions. What to do? European fines are coming, but they are of minimal impact for these giants. Anti-monopoly laws have worked in the past, but these are no longer used to block new acquisitions. The alternative is to launch 'splits' as happened with AT&T. But there is no clear and easy solution at the moment'.

Numerous areas are covered in the text on Italy, starting with public spending, analysing how state money is spent, what waste exists, where savings could be made. 'On welfare we must agree,' he explains, 'because you cannot have it for free. And if you want more welfare while paying less tax at the same time, that is clearly a problem. But reforming public spending, a topic I have been working on, does not only mean cutting but also reforming the mechanisms to make it more efficient, i.e. getting more for the same amount of resources'.

Global issues remain in the background, starting with the new era of uncertainty triggered by Trump. "This situation," Cottarelli explains, "has spilled over onto Treasuries, historically safe haven assets in phases of uncertainty and instead recently abandoned by investors, who have sold. If confidence in the US is lost, the problem will be for everyone, not just the US; the 2008 crisis might pale in comparison. That is why Trump must be extremely careful'.

On the subject of duties, for Cottarelli we are still in an interlocutory phase, despite the latest acceleration. 'Trump's announcements,' he explains, 'must also be seen in terms of negotiations. I don't think he will ever put 50% duties, so let's keep calm and see what he intends to do. It certainly won't be an easy negotiation but I believe there will be an agreement in the end. The main problem for the US is not Europe but China'.

Cottarelli also spoke on issues at home, assessing the government's public finance decisions with relative favour, as well as market outcomes.

"On public accounts,' he explained on the sidelines of the event, commenting on Moody's upgrade and the recent drop in spreads, 'the government has been prudent and the markets have responded positively. And this belies all those who for decades have told us that if there is a centre-right government the markets are against it. All this is wrong. When a centre-right government does prudent things the market responds positively. We have a spread that is among the lowest since the eurozone crisis and before. We were at these levels when there was heavy buying by the ECB whereas now there is not. The government has been prudent. On economic growth, on the other hand, we are still stuck at zero point, even though the first quarter was good. In my opinion the things that are missing are some reforms that are fundamental, such as bureaucratic simplification'.

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