European elections

Grabbe (Bruegel): 'If the populist right wins, it will have to change its approach to count'

In order to carry weight, the radical parties will have to be able to join forces and be more involved in the legislative work of the EU Parliament

from our correspondent Michele Pignatelli

3' min read

3' min read

BRUSSELS The right-wing avalanche is yet to be proven, given the particularity of the European vote. But, above all, the ability of these parties to weigh in on the future legislative activity of the Parliament will have to be assessed. Heather Grabbe, senior fellow at the political-economic think tank Bruegel, argued this in an interview with Il Sole 24 Ore.

Many commentators have called these elections the most important in the history of the European Union. Do you agree?

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It depends on the results. Let us see how far the populist parties, the radical right, actually translate media coverage into electoral gain. Europarliamentary elections are more unpredictable than national ones, because voters see them as second-order elections, as political scientists call them, in a sense parallel elections where voters vote more on domestic than European issues and tend to penalise the parties in power. But I am not entirely convinced that this will be the case, because we may see a fragmented protest vote distributed among a wide range of parties.

To what extent will the turnout affect the results?

I believe it will be the determining factor for the success of the centre parties over the more extreme ones. The 2019 elections were historic because the turnout increased for the first time since the birth of the European Parliament; after a trend of ever decreasing participation, down to 42% in 2014, the turnout finally rose again to over 50%. And this was mainly thanks to the vote of young people, aged between 18 and 30, mobilised by environmental issues. And this is what led to the green wave. Youth participation also weighs in perspective, because if younger people vote, they will tend to continue to do so. What makes turnout important, results aside, is democratic legitimacy: it is difficult for Parliament to call itself the voice of the people with 42% participation.

Do you think that the so-called 'Ursula majority' (the bloc that today supports the von der Leyen Commission, ndr) will endure or will the right-wing parties change the balance in the Europarliament?

If these parties really get a lot more seats, they will have much more influence on nominations for top posts (the Commission and Council Presidents and the High Representative). And this would have a major impact, because they could ask Ursula von der Leyen and other candidates for promises that would really change the Commission's agenda. In 2019, von der Leyen had to make many promises to the Greens to get their votes, this time she might need the populists.

In the longer term, the question is whether these parties - traditionally very fragmented, with a flexible ideological agenda that focuses on a few issues, such as immigration - will be able to work together: in the European Parliament, the power of a group depends to a large extent on the discipline with which it votes together and on its involvement in legislative and committee work. And, historically, this is not what the populist right has done.

Is there a risk of a stalemate for the next Europarliament, without a clear majority?

This risk is there, particularly on the appointments mentioned earlier. An agreement on von der Leyen might not be found, either in the Council or in Parliament. In 2019 it was so complicated that Angela Merkel had to lower her own candidate from above and it could happen again.

But are there alternatives to von der Leyen for the presidency of the Commission?

There are always alternatives. Von der Leyen has done a great job in crisis management, from pandemic to war, many leaders are satisfied. But gratitude often does not motivate choices like this. So there is speculation as to who the surprise candidate might be this time, and one of the most intriguing being speculated about is Mario Draghi: because he is a non-partisan figure, a respected technocrat who did an excellent job during the financial crisis (although leading a central bank is very different from leading the Commission); and because, although he is not a populist radical, he could be supported by the premier of one of these parties, Giorgia Meloni. Who is in turn, among the populist leaders, the one who has most surprised and fascinated the EU establishment, disproving two stereotypes: that of being able to govern and that of being constructive in the EU. The other leaders of the populist radical right now enjoy a greater benefit of the doubt thanks to her.

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