Monetary policies

How monetary integration transformed Italian regional growth

The euro has weakened the South and strengthened the North, with major consequences for social cohesion and fiscal policies

by Lucio Baccaro, Donato Di Carlo and Sinisa Hadziabdic

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

Italia entered the euro with deep regional gaps, but monetary integration has sharpened and transformed them. A silent change took place in the early 2000s, redefining the engines of territorial growth and the economic relationship between North and South. This is the message that emerges from our study recently published in the Socio-Economic Review, in which we analyse Italian regional growth patterns and their interdependencies in the first decade of monetary union.

The starting point is twofold: not only do North and South grow at different speeds, but they rest on different economic engines. In the early 2000s, the picture that emerges is the familiar one of a North driven by manufacturing and exports-integrated into international value chains-and a South driven by domestic demand and public spending. This configuration is often read as evidence of a 'subsidised' South, but the reality is more complex. For decades, that model has performed important political and macroeconomic functions, supporting employment and demand in the South and guaranteeing a stable outlet for industrial production in the North. A balance that was certainly imperfect, but also geared to territorial cohesion and social stability.

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With the euro, the southern model, in particular, went into crisis. In the 2000s, public spending stopped driving growth, domestic demand contracted and the South ended up depending on exports to the rest of Italia, thus moving from a 'subsidised' model to one of 'dependence'. The fear evoked by Gramsci in the 1920s of a Mezzogiorno reduced to a 'colony of exploitation' of the industrialists of the North paradoxically seems to come true many decades after it was formulated. In the first decade of the euro, the Mezzogiorno's very small growth was driven exclusively by exports of low value-added goods and services to other Italian regions, while the contribution of consumption, investment, public spending and exports to the rest of the world became negative. At the same time, growth in the other Italian regions is somewhat stronger and, above all, less dependent on domestic exports.

This transformation reflects profound changes. In the 1990s, privatisation reduced the role of public enterprises at the centre of southern development. At the same time, the end of extraordinary intervention and the Maastricht constraints squeeze the fiscal space. The Italia state thus becomes a 'consolidation state', forced to generate primary surpluses and reduce its redistributive capacity.

The lesson goes beyond the Italia case. The euro debate often focuses on the impact at the national level. Our results suggest a different hypothesis: that of an asymmetric impact at regional level. On the one hand, monetary integration has strengthened already export-oriented territories, which have benefited from the single market and the single currency for easier international trade. Regions such as the Mezzogiorno, lacking export-oriented economies, remained excluded.

On the other, the Stability Pact has restricted the fiscal space of governments precisely when, with the euro, it would have been more necessary to use the fiscal lever to support those territories less ready for the new monetary regime. In Italia's case, this dynamic was accentuated by the reduction of structural funds allocated to the South following the Union's eastward enlargement. The result was the weakening of the pillars that, albeit precariously, had supported the southern model: public capitalism, development policies and transfers.

This is why it is necessary to analyse monetary integration through a territorial lens: ignoring its consequences on territorial cohesion and internal balances within the member states means underestimating the risk of social fractures and discontent in the territories left behind. The sustainability of the European monetary regime will also depend on the ability of European and national institutions to deal with its asymmetrical effects.

Director of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies

LSE and director of the Luiss Hub for New Industrial Policy (LUHNIP)

Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies

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