The challenges of the EU - The survey

Italians demand more commitment on migrants and fiscal union

(Adobe Stock)

4' min read

4' min read

From the Green Deal to the NextgenerationEU to ReArm Europe (redefined as European Defence), there are several of the most recent strategic policies developed by the EU. Considering the Italians' point of view on which aspects the European institution's action is most needed in the near future, interesting indications emerge that highlight the country's sensitivities.

At the top of the ranking surveyed (Community Research&Analysis for Federmeccanica) we find the issue that in recent years has been one of Italy's main stumbling blocks within Europe: the issue of managing migrant flows. This is the aspect that respondents indicate as a priority in EU policies (71.6%). It is followed more detachedly, but still marked by significant relevance, by other policies considered important. First of all, greater homogeneity of tax regimes at European level (67.4%), a common energy policy (66.9%) and greater coordination of industrial policies (63.1%). The economic competition that exists even within the EU, the energy issue that emerged with great force with the start of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and a coordinated industrial policy that manages to jointly face the wars of tariffs and competitor countries (see the events related to the automotive industry, the green transition and so on) make these issues a priority in the actions to be taken.

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There are also other areas of importance, but which are perceived to be less decisive or, in any case, more controversial. Due to the war conflicts on Europe's doorstep, the topic of security policy and the building of a common army is considered important (64.2%), but with a significant share of disagreement (16.9%). Likewise, the commitment to a common foreign policy (58.7%) is equally central, but not a few see it as crucial (13.5%). In the same position are two other strategic lines such as the construction of a more homogeneous welfare and labour market model (60.4%) and a more coordinated trade policy at continental level (58.7%).

Last but not least, the prospect of further enlargement to other EU candidate countries is divisive in the opinion of Italians. In this case, respondents are evenly divided between those who consider further inclusion processes necessary (34.1%), on the one hand, and, on the other, those who express a clear opposite opinion (33.2%).

It is worth emphasising how the 'eurosceptics' and 'anti-euro' (see the previous instalment published in Il Sole 24 Ore of 8 April), despite the perplexity and opposition expressed, on the subject of European policies to be implemented are not so distant from those who view the EU more favourably ('euroconvinced' and 'euro-enthusiasts'). Looking at the different policies proposed, for almost all 'euro-sceptics' the 50% threshold of those who consider it very and very important to pursue different policies is exceeded. To a lesser extent, but similarly for the 'anti-euro'. Only one point marks a significant difference: the question of further enlargement to other countries.

So, in reality, even among those who consider themselves or express strong opinions against the European institution, they nonetheless attribute to it the need to implement a series of policies that - on closer inspection - strengthen its role.

Comparison with previous surveys over time shows that overall the European dream is still alive for the majority of the population. However, it tends to wane and with changing orientations. Compared to more recent times (pre-Covid), the shares of those more or less in favour of the EU seem to consolidate compared to those against. But the most convinced and the most opposed positions appear to be decreasing, favouring - in one sense or another - the intermediate positions.

Even the recent elections in June 2024 have highlighted the presence of stormy winds sweeping across Europe, undermining the unitary design that had characterised it until at least a decade ago. It is enough to observe what is happening in various countries to grasp the intensity of the phenomena in a palpable way: from the embarrassing management of the Brexit, to the growth of nationalistic political formations as in France, Germany and Austria, or the inability of the EU to coherently manage the issue of migrants, a theme that is particularly felt in our country.

The reasons for these malaises are well known and go back to an inadequately managed globalisation of the markets, to measures to counter the 2008 crisis that, by the express admission of international institutions, did not help national economies to recover. Especially those, like Italy, that reached economic recession with fragile fundamentals (GDP, public debt, banking system). Up to the most recent guidelines on 'green transition', electric cars or tariffs on Chinese cars: all topics on which the new legislature has already specified the start of reflection.

It goes without saying that the general mood of Italians (and not only theirs) towards European institutions is not enthusiastic, especially when compared over time. Thus, it is the younger generations that appreciate the European dream the most: more than the previous ones, they have the opportunity to tour and get to know Europe. And perhaps because of this, more than others, they desire it united, open and without walls.

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