L’Iran rischia di diventare l’Alcatraz di Trump
di Giuliano Noci
8' min read
8' min read
Robert Nozick is the philosopher of the 'minimal state'. While starting from a radical view of natural rights and in particular the inviolability of the right to 'self ownership' he escapes what would seem the natural political consequence of such a perspective - anarchy - by showing, as we saw last week, that a minimalist vision of the state is what individuals in the state of nature would naturally arrive at if they were to begin, first on their own, then in increasingly large and organised groups, to proceed autonomously to enforce their rights and punish those who violate them. The 'minimal state', therefore, is legitimate in that it is only concerned with enforcing natural rights and administering justice. Any other activity would violate the rights of individuals and would therefore be illegitimate, even, for example, an activity to promote a fairer distribution of resources or opportunities. Is there no room, then, in the 'minimum state' for justice? To affirm the inviolability of the "ownership of self" and all other individual rights that flow from it and renounce any idea of promoting social justice, or to assign redistributive functions to the state and renounce the inviolability of rights. This seems to be the dilemma that Nozick addresses in the second part of Anarchy, State and Utopia. A dilemma from which he emerges by proposing his entitlement theory of justice.
In this series of Mind the Economy dedicated to the idea of justice, we have discussed at length various possible solutions to the problem of 'distributive justice', i.e. the problem of how to allocate resources, opportunities and goods in a society so that it is, in the judgement of its citizens, just. The principles that have been developed in even recent history are manifold, of course: one can follow the criterion of needs, of merit, of hard work, of compensation for disadvantages arising from the lottery of birth, or, as Rawls suggests with his 'difference principle', the criterion that leads us toadvantage the disadvantaged. No matter which principle of justice is actually adopted, however, these all presuppose a process of redistribution: we take away from someone to give to someone else. The lack of explicit consent and the non-voluntariness of this redistributive action makes it, in Nozick's eyes, not dissimilar to robbery, and since the resources that are redistributed are the fruit of someone's labour, the redistributive action constitutes not only robbery but also a form of slavery.
As one can understand, the judgement is not light. How is it possible, then, precisely in the light of such a radically critical stance towards all forms of redistribution, that Nozick comes up with his own original theory of distributive justice?
A first point of departure is the recognition of the deep connection that must exist between the moment in which goods and wealth are produced and the moment in which the problem of their distribution arises. That is, Nozick begins by questioning the approach of traditional theories of justice whereby it is as if goods and wealth are there ready to be distributed and as if no one has contributed to their creation. Distribution cannot be separated from production, Nozick tells us. This passage allows him to include a criterion of justice in his vision of the 'minimal state', because this idea of justice does not actually involve any form of redistribution (although he discusses this in a section entitled 'distributive justice') and thus no infringement of individual liberties.
"What each person receives," writes Nozick, "he receives from others who give it to him in exchange for something, or as a gift. In a free society, different people control different resources, and new possessions arise from people's voluntary exchanges and actions. There is no more distributive activity or distribution of shares than there is a distribution of partners in a society where people choose whom to marry. The total result is the product of many individual decisions that the different individuals involved are allowed to make' (Anarchy, State and Utopia, 1981, p. 163). The central point, then, is that of the legitimacy of property, of 'possessions' (holdings), as he calls them. This is because his vision of justice is a historical or procedural vision and not, like utilitarianism, for example, a vision based on end-states.