Identikit of a movement

The time of the Bloquons Tout in France, but they are not the new Gilets Gialli. Italy armours itself: 'We are stable'.

So many similarities, but the macro picture is different. There are growing fears of economic and social contagion in the rest of Europe. Melonian Proccaccini (Ecr) calls for elections in Paris

by Manuela Perrone

Persone passano davanti a un manifesto raffigurante il presidente francese Emmanuel Macron con lo slogan "Notre projet c'est de tout bloquer" (Il nostro progetto è di bloccare tutto), in riferimento al movimento di protesta online "Bloquons tout" (blocca tutto), a Saint-Sebastien-sur-Loire, vicino a Nantes, Francia, 3 settembre 2025. (REUTERS/Stephane Mahe/File Photo)

5' min read

5' min read

Transport, schools, retail. In the politically paralysed France after the historic vote of confidence in the prime minister François Bayrou forcing President Emmanuel Macron into a complicated search for a new premier, resulting in the nomination of Sébastien Lecornu, and a new majority, comes, ironically, the Bloquons Tout movement to try to paralyse it even in services. The protests of 10 September, in what promises to be the preamble to a very hot autumn, led the resigning Minister of the Interior, Bruno Retailleau, to deploy 80,000 agents, to alert all prefects and to warn of an entire month 'with a high risk of unrest'.

The new Yellow Vests?

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Many observers have already compared the Bloquons Tout to the Gilets Gialli who from November 2018 to the spring of 2019 had put Macron's France to the sword to protest against rising fuel prices and the high cost of living, mobilising in defence of workers and the middle class and calling for the reintroduction of the solidarity tax on wealth and an increase in minimum wages. Many demonstrations, born of the deep malaise in rural France, had degenerated into urban guerrilla warfare leading to tens of thousands of arrests. The most radical wing had distinguished itself by roadblocks, devastation of private property and public assets, even violent clashes with the police, acts of vandalism and sabotage.

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Sympathisers in Italy, from M5S to Lega

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In the rest of Europe, the Yellow Gilets had met swarms of sympathisers, even within the institutions. In Italy it had been the case with the Five Star Movement and the League, both supporters of the first yellow-green government led by Giuseppe Conte. In particular made noise the meeting on 5 February 2019 in the hinterland of Paris between the Pentastelite vice-premier Luigi Di Maio, accompanied by Alessandro Di Battista, and one of the movement's spokesmen, Cristophe Chalençon (considered right-wing and 'famous' for having ventilated the intervention of 'paramilitaries' against Macron) and some of the candidates of that year's European elections of the Ric list (Référendum d'initiative citoyenne), along with the leader and former spokesperson of the yellow waistcoat Ingrid Levavasseur. But from the Carroccio, Matteo Salvini had also opened in an anti-Macron vein, albeit in more cautious tones: "Support for decent citizens protesting against a president who governs against his people, but absolute, firm and total condemnation of every episode of violence that serves no one".

Disillusionment after violence

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After the derisory results at the European elections (0.58% support for three lists), the movement had imploded. Le Monde had spoken of the arrival of the 'heure du découragement', the time of disillusionment, of discouragement for a mobilisation that had begun without guerrilla warfare, with a platform centred against the excessive French tax burden, and had ended up becoming 'obtuse, without precise objectives, against Macron and everything he represents'. Not that the French have given up protesting. In 2023 against the pension reform for the raising of the retirement age from 62 to 64, a new mobilisation had brought the country to a standstill.

The genesis of the protests is economic, today as yesterday

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The similarities with the Bloquons Tout are many and obvious, starting with the genesis of the movement. But if yesterday the spark was the petrol price increase, today the root is broader and concerns the whole Macronian economic model. Because Bayrou's rejection by the Assemblée nationale is a rejection of the government's response to the explosion of public debt over 114% of GDP (with a cost that for the first time in eurozone history exceeded that of Italy), and of the 5.8% deficit, i.e. the 44 billion package of cuts and tax increases to reduce the deficit to 4.6% by 2026 and 2.8% by 2029. The 'symbolic' measure that is the subject of discontent this time is the elimination of two national holidays.

The aggravating factors: upside-down public accounts and instability

In contrast to what happened at the time of the Yellow Vests, therefore, France today suffers from a much more worrying public accounts picture (also for the ECB and the rating agencies, with markets worried about debt sustainability), albeit mitigated by the absence of structural imbalances in the balance of payments, and above all a notable institutional instability, because the Macron era inaugurated in 2024 was immediately exposed to the wind of fragile compromises. This is why all eyes are on both the new meeting of the European Central Bank scheduled for Thursday 11 September (and on the words of Christine Lagarde who will certainly be questioned on the French chaos) and on the verdict expected on Friday on Paris by Fitch Ratings, which has a negative outlook on the country.

Fears of economic and social contagion

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In Italy, too, there is concern about contagion along the double track of the economy and social unrest. The spectre of a new debt crisis hovers, at a time when governments are being called upon to increase defence and security spending (the tensions over the opposition's anti-gun motions in the Chamber of Deputies on 10 September already show how the majority is walking on eggshells) and when concerns about the sustainability of the European welfare model are growing. The nebulosity of the organisers of the Bloquons Tout movement does not help. Retailleau points out how the call for 'Tout bloquer', circulated as a tam tam on social networks starting with Telegram, 'has been taken up by the galaxy of the ultra-left and the extreme left who are inciting rather radical initiatives'. If Melenchon's insoumis have been invited to make themselves available, the rest of the left does not seem so united.

Suspected anti-EU and pro-Russian flankers

And there are also those among French observers who warn of flankers in the conspiracy and far-right world. Such as the Les Essentiels France collective, which supports France's exit from the EU and disputes military support for Ukraine. It is back to the fear of fears: that foreign powers can fan the flames of unrest. With only one goal: destabilisation in Europe. This morning's words of Viaceslav Volodyn, president of the Duma and loyalist of Vladimir Putin, did not go unnoticed: 'France is tired of its president Macron's eight years of shame. He is the problem'.

Melonian Procaccini (Ecr): elections in France as soon as possible

So far no supporters of the Bloquons Tout are to be seen from Italy. But in the majority the coldness towards Macron is noticeable. "We believe that the elections in France must be held as soon as possible to allow the French to freely decide on the future government regarding the State of the Union," said the co-chairman of the Ecr group, Nicola Procaccini, at a press briefing in Strasbourg. Salvini is silent for now, however, fresh from the diplomatic incident with Macron who had called for 'tacher al tram' on the proposal to send troops to Ukraine: relations with the French president have never been idyllic.

From the majority in Italy praise of stability

The president of Forza Italia senators, Maurizio Gasparri, sees the situation as "complicated" and the vote as likely, and praises the "Italian way": "In the face of what is happening in France I can say one thing: Italy has a legislature government, which will last five years and has been in office for three, it has accounts in order, it has international investment attractiveness, public bonds that are sought after on all markets, a spread that has fallen to the lowest level, 80 points, inflation at 1.6%, we can do more and better, but today we are a country of reference". Even Maurizio Lupi, from Noi Moderati, says he is convinced that 'the government crisis in France, with its repercussions on the transalpine economy and the possible repercussions on Europe, testifies to how fundamental is the political stability that the centre-right government is guaranteeing to Italy, in the interest of citizens, families and businesses'.

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