M5s: will there be a vote to 'abolish' Grillo?

Not only the possibility (and therefore the high probability) of changing the name and symbol of the M5s, which as we know belong to the founder and Guarantor Beppe Grillo through the Movimento 5 Stelle Association he created in Genoa in 2016. It is not only the possibility (and therefore the high probability) of overcoming the last of the original grillini taboos still strenuously defended by Grillo, namely the limit of two elective mandates. If two clues make a suspicion, three clues make a proof: the participants in the deliberative process of the constituent assembly convened before the summer by Giuseppe Conte to "re-found" the movement after the defeat at the European elections, a process that began on 12 October and will see a new moment of confrontation at the weekend, are asked, among other things, to consider changes in the powers and role of the apex bodies. And here is the point marked in red on which the 300 delegates will finally have to vote at the end of November: 'Reduce the powers of the Guarantor (or eliminate it altogether)'.

Here they are, the charges: "For example, elements of incompatibility may be the fact that the Guarantor indicates the names of the members of the Guarantee Committee and that the Guarantee Committee in turn proposes a shortlist of three names for the Guarantor; the fact that the interpretation of the Statute by the Guarantor is not "unquestionable"; the fact that the Supervisor is appointed 'indefinitely', although his terms may vary over time, and the fact that the principle of temporary tenure of office is inherent in the rule of law; the fact that the Supervisor can only be dismissed by the Guarantee Committee, which he himself has appointed".

In short, a veritable "grillicide", the one brought by Conte. But what is the M5s leader's political objective? Already in mid-September, Conte had announced 'possible initiatives aimed at suspending the execution of the services charged to the movement'. Translated, Grillo would no longer have the coverage of expenses in the event of lawsuits and complaints and above all he would no longer have the substantial remuneration (300,000 euro gross per year) for unspecified communication activities. Coverage and remuneration closely linked to the ownership of the name and symbol. On the other hand, the issue of the change of name and symbol was immediately put on the table in the constitution-making process, proving that the loss of the trademark of the origins has been knowingly taken into account by the Pentastellist leader since the beginning of this battle against the founder. Name and symbol are all in all a secondary aspect for Conte: the identity trait of the origins is more of a political brand of Grillo, while the former premier's strength is based on a personal consensus, a sort of 'second-generation electorate that votes M5s basically because he is there', as pollster Antonio Noto explains.

What is certain is that the time has come for the former prime minister - whatever the cost - to get rid of Grillo's embalming tutelage in order to ferry the populist and anti-system experiment that came out of Gianroberto Casaleggio's hat fifteen years ago (the notarial deed dates from Milan, 4 October 2009) into the field of definitive political 'normality'. On the other hand, many steps have already been taken in recent years, under Conte's leadership first as prime minister and then as political leader: from the non-statute to a democratic statute with elective bodies and contestable leadership, from the rejection of public financing with the pantomime of returns to participation in the 2 per thousand mechanism. Now it remains to break the last taboo, that of the two-term limit, which is nothing more than the definitive overcoming of the slogan 'one is worth one' and the realisation that a national and local ruling class is very much needed.

The constituent process is therefore destined to sanction a divorce that to many now seems inevitable, and perhaps without even having to resort to the courts: in the end, Grillo could remain king without land and without money, i.e. the holder of an empty symbol. Of course, there is always the risk that the founder does not resign and, in addition to possible legal recourse, decides to take up the old brand and attempt a new political adventure centred on the betrayed watchwords of his origins. And it is not certain that in the event of a split the consensus for Conte's party will remain above 10%. According to pollster Antonio Noto, for example, despite Conte's undisputed popularity among the Pentastellati voters, the call to the origins remains very strong and the two parties would both hover around 6-7%. But the question is: will Grillo really go all the way with the creation of a new-old movement? Conte has already made his bet.