Mind the Economy/Justice 161

Margaret Gilbert and the right to make demands

Joint Commitment. How We Make the Social World di Margaret Gilbert

9' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

9' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

“It’s not just that you had to do it. It’s that you owed it to me.” A huge part of our moral and social life hinges on this small difference. There are things we are bound to do because they are right, appropriate, prudent or rational. And there are things we owe to someone. Not simply obligations, then, but direct, relational obligations – obligations that have a specific recipient. It is within this conceptual framework that Margaret Gilbert situates the core of her reflection in Joint Commitment. How We Make the Social World (Oxford University Press, 2014), a book comprising eighteen essays written over many years and united by a common underlying idea: that of joint commitment as the ‘structure of the social atom’, the fundamental mechanism through which we produce obligations, rights, claims, reproaches, promises, authority and affiliations.

Let us imagine two colleagues who have agreed to write a report together. They have not signed a contract. There is no provision for a penalty. There is no court ready to intervene. However, they have agreed that one would complete the data analysis and the other would draft the introduction and conclusions. If the first, without warning, fails to deliver anything, the second will not simply say: ‘Your behaviour is inefficient’. Nor will he merely observe: ‘You have breached a general moral norm’. Rather, he will say: ‘I was counting on you’. The phrasing may seem emphatic, but it precisely captures what Gilbert is seeking to explain, namely, how a mutual right to harbour certain expectations can arise.

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The central idea of the book is that many social practices cannot be understood if we reduce them to individual preferences, incentives, expectations or promises. Gilbert states this right from the introduction: “The idea in question is what I have called ‘joint commitment’” (p. 1). Joint commitment, however, is not simply the sum of personal decisions.     It is not enough for me to commit individually and for you to do the same. It is not enough for our commitments to coincide. Nor is it enough for each of us to be aware of the other’s commitment. In the truly joint case, the commitment belongs to ‘us’ – not to each of us taken separately, but to our ‘we-ness’. This distinction is subtle but crucial. If I personally decide to submit the text of this article on Saturday but then fail to do so, I may reproach myself, I may judge myself to be unreliable, I may lament my ingrained tendency to procrastinate. In any case, I will have breached a commitment made by my individual will. Gilbert refers, in such cases, to “personal commitment”. But when the commitment is joint, however, things change. That bond cannot be terminated unilaterally because it was not entered into unilaterally. Once it has come into effect, neither party can revoke it on their own as if it were a private matter. Technically, three aspects need to be emphasised. Firstly, the joint commitment arises from expressions of willingness, of readiness to be committed together in a certain way. Secondly, such expressions must be sufficiently public, “out in the open” – as Gilbert writes – open and mutually recognisable. Finally, the outcome of this process is not merely psychological, but normative. It is not simply a matter of two people possessing certain mental states. It is a matter of the fact that, from that moment on, each is placed in a new position in relation to the other. Gilbert formulates the issue by stating that, in any joint commitment, the parties are committed “to phi as a body”, where “phi” may mean “to believe”, “to decide”, ‘intend’, ‘accept’ or ‘pursue an end’. The expression ‘as a body’ should not be understood in a mystical sense. There is no collective organism standing above the individuals. Rather, it denotes a bond that requires each person to play their part so that the parties, through their actions, behave as a single subject with regard to that content.

Let us consider the editorial team of a newspaper that adopts a certain editorial line. Some members may have doubts, others might prefer a different approach, whilst still others accept it out of internal discipline. However, once that line has been adopted as a common position, everyone is expected to act in a manner consistent with it, at least for as long as that commitment remains valid. If a member speaks publicly as though the common line did not exist, the others may call them to account. Not because they have privately held a differing opinion, but because they have acted in a manner incompatible with a position adopted collectively.  

The right to demand an explanation

This is where perhaps the most important concept comes into play: “answerability”. Gilbert presents it as an intrinsic feature of the joint commitment: “Each party is answerable to all parties for any violation of the joint commitment” (p. 40). Being answerable means being open to questioning by others. Why didn’t you deliver? Why did you act contrary to what we had agreed? Why did you speak on our behalf without authorisation? Why did you withdraw without consulting us? Not every question of this sort is legitimate in tone or degree, but the very possibility of asking it stems from the fact that the commitment was “joint, shared. This allows Gilbert to clarify another subtle but important distinction. It is one thing to have a reason to do something. It is quite another to be obliged towards someone to do it. If I see a person in distress, I may have very strong moral reasons to help them. But that does not automatically mean that that person has a specific right vis-à-vis me. In the case of a joint commitment, however, this is precisely what happens: one party’s obligation is linked to the rights of the others. Gilbert writes that every joint commitment “obliges the parties to one another”, thereby generating the right to demand compliance and to reproach non-compliance (p. 8).  If A has a right vis-à-vis B that B should do X, then B has an obligation towards A to do X. And that right – Gilbert argues – manifests itself in the ordinary possibility of asking, demanding and reproaching. Not every imperative is an authoritative demand. I can shout at a stranger: ‘You must stop that!’. I may even be morally justified in doing so. But this does not automatically imply that I possess, strictly speaking, the right to demand that action as something owed to me. This is why reproach is philosophically interesting. It is not merely an emotion. It is a normative act. When I say ‘you shouldn’t have done that’, I may mean many different things. I may be expressing moral disapproval. I may be showing irritation. I may be reminding someone of a rule. But I may also be exercising a right: you had an obligation towards me, and I am entitled to call you to account.  

The grammar of agreement and ending

This analysis also allows us to reconsider the deeper meaning of agreements. Gilbert challenges the idea that an agreement is simply an exchange of promises. If I promise you and you promise me, we have two coordinated acts of promise. But an agreement, in its truest sense, is a joint decision. Not two ‘I promise’s’, but a ‘we decide’. This is why the obligations of the agreement do not derive solely from the ethics of the promise or from the trust placed in the other party. They derive from the shared structure of the bond. The agreement, in Gilbert’s interpretation, consists of a joint commitment to uphold a certain decision as a shared undertaking. Let us imagine that two partners decide not to accept funding from a particular source because they consider it incompatible with the company’s mission. If, a few months later, one of them enters into confidential negotiations with precisely that source, the other partner is not merely entitled to feel disappointed. They are entitled to say: that decision was ours. We had agreed on a course of action together, and you acted as if you could revoke it on your own. The issue is not merely one of psychological trust, but of the legal ownership of the decision. This gives rise to the problem of withdrawal. In the case of a personal commitment, I can change my mind. In the case of a joint commitment, barring special circumstances, withdrawal must itself be joint. This does not mean that every joint commitment is eternal. Rather, it means that its termination must take a recognisable form. Withdrawing from a pact, a coalition, a shared promise or a joint decision is not the same as simply changing one’s mind. It may be legitimate, necessary, even a duty. But it requires a specific ‘grammar of withdrawal’.

This is also an important point from a political perspective. Many institutional crises arise not merely from a clash of differing opinions, but from the unacknowledged breach of shared commitments. A majority endorses a programme and then acts as though it had never committed to it. An administration promises transparency and then makes decisions behind closed doors. A party calls for participation and then reduces its members to a cheering audience. In all these cases, the injustice lies not only in the content of the decision. It also lies in the way in which someone unilaterally appropriates what had been conceived and established as a pluralistic project. 

Who has the power to make demands?

But there is an even more delicate aspect to this. Gilbert insists that the obligations arising from joint commitment are not, by that very fact, moral obligations. They may have arbitrary, capricious, or even wrong contents. In Acting Together, the philosopher writes that it can be misleading to describe them as moral obligations, because ‘the will of the parties is sufficient to bring them into being’ and their content may have ‘even the slightest or no connection whatsoever with the true, the beautiful or the good’ (p. 36). This is perhaps the most uncomfortable but also the most useful argument that Gilbert puts forward regarding ‘noitude’. An obligation can be real without being morally binding. A member of a corrupt organisation may have internal obligations of loyalty. A soldier may find themselves bound by a duty of obedience. A civil servant may be bound by procedures that produce unjust outcomes. A family group may demand loyalty in the name of a ‘we’ that stifles rather than fosters joy and personal growth. To say that these obligations are socially real is not to say that they must be respected without exception. It means recognising the strength of the bond so that it can be assessed, potentially challenged and broken, if necessary. On this point, Gilbert’s position allows us to avoid two extremes: on the one hand, there is indeed the risk of moralising everything. If the obligation is valid, then it must be moral. On the other hand, there is the risk of dismissing everything. If an obligation is morally questionable, then it does not really exist. Her theory makes possible a more realistic position, according to which human beings live within networks of obligations that are neither all moral nor all legal, but which nevertheless possess normative force. Some of these obligations make cooperation possible; others turn it into a trap. Some allow us to rely on one another; others serve to prevent defection from unjust orders.

The link with political justice lies precisely here. An unjust society is not merely one that distributes resources, opportunities or formal rights poorly; it is also one that distributes the power to claim those resources, along with the opportunities and rights, asymmetrically. Some are in a position to hold others to account, whilst others are merely required to be accountable. Some can invoke shared commitments, whilst others bear the burden of them without having helped to define them. Some can break free from constraints without incurring any costs, whilst others remain trapped in obligations they have never been able to negotiate.

This shifts the political question. It is no longer merely ‘what do we owe one another?’, but also ‘who can claim that something is owed to them?’ Who has the standing to make demands, challenge, reproach or seek redress? Who can withdraw from a pact, and who, on the other hand, is accused of betrayal the moment they try to renegotiate it? Justice, viewed through the lens provided by Gilbert’s work, is not merely about the content of shared obligations. It concerns the position from which those obligations can be asserted.

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This is why Joint Commitment is an important book for the theory of plural rationality. Not because it celebrates the group for its own sake, nor because it dissolves the individual into the community. But because it shows that many of our reasons for acting have an intrinsically relational structure. They arise not merely by virtue of what I want, nor solely from what is morally right in the abstract, but from what we have decided to commit to doing together. Social life truly begins when others are no longer merely external constraints on my choices, but holders of claims against me. Politics becomes just only when this power to make claims is not the privilege of the few, but becomes a distributed, recognised and contestable possibility.

Vittorio Pelligra, Professor of Economics (13/A2), C-BASS (Centre for Behavioural and Statistical Sciences) – Director. - Department of Economics and Business - University of Cagliari - pelligra@unica.it

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