Meloni and the Europe of variable alliances, from competitiveness to immigration
In Alden Biesen, the most important test of the method of 'groups of countries' seeking pre-emptive convergence in order to influence the Council and the Commission
from our Brussels correspondent Manuela Perrone
Europe is dead, long live Europe. The pro-European twist of a former Eurosceptic nationalist like Giorgia Meloni can be explained in many ways. One among all: in a world adrift, with the United States in the hands of Donald Trump's unpredictability, Russia led by Vladimir Putin, invader of Ukraine, and Xi Jinping's China increasingly aggressive in terms of trade, there is no other way for Italia but to anchor itself to Europe. The novelty lies in the formula pursued by Meloni: 'groups of countries' united by common interests that meet before each official summit to build a 'preventive convergence' in view of the Councils. And goad the Commission.
The Alden Biesen Test
The informal retreat on competitiveness, which took place on Thursday 12 February in the Belgian castle of Alden Biesen, seemed to mark a turnaround of the Twenty-Seven in this respect also thanks to Meloni's initiative. The Italian Prime Minister, weaving a robust web with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, managed to bring together 18 other countries (including Emmanuel Macron's France), plus the European Commission, in a pre-summit centred on the three priorities identified in the policy paper developed with Germany and the support of Belgium: regulatory simplifications and lower energy prices, precisely; completion of the single market; 'ambitious and pragmatic' trade policy.
The changing geometries
The idea was illustrated by Meloni herself during the press point at the end of the preliminary summit: it is "a good thing," said the Council president, "if there are subjects in which we are a group". And the groups are not and will not always be the same: "For example in the negotiations on the 2028-2034 multi-year budget, Italia defends the role of Cohesion so that we do not make the mistake of considering it an alternative to competitiveness. On this we will agree more with the countries of the South'.
The axis with Denmark on migrants
On immigration this has also already happened. In this case the impetus came from Italia and Denmark: Meloni and the Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen joined forces to urge a revision of the international conventions on human rights (CEDU in primis), considered an obstacle, when interpreted by judges in an extensive way, for the policies of governing the migratory flows of individual states, and now dragged many countries to their side. Most recently, Germany has joined that working group. And Europe's stranglehold on expulsions, returns and asylum has materialised in the new Migration and Asylum Pact that will come into force from June.
The Charge of the Willing
Italia does not see in this multi-speed Europe, led by 'similar' governments, a risk for integration, as the Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez reproaches her (irate against Italia for not inviting her to the Belgian pre-summit), on the contrary. 'This,' said Meloni, 'can only help the work of the Council, but also citizens and businesses: if the indications to the Commission are not clear they are lost'. In short, it is a matter of volunteers deciding to act as forerunners and drivers on the various European focuses, studying proposals on which to move compactly in the Council. Let it be clear: clusters around common conveniences have always influenced European decisions. But this time it seems that the intention is almost to 'institutionalise' them. And, above all, that Italia is claiming a new protagonism with respect to the traditional Franco-German binomial that has conditioned the EU's destiny until now. The question remains: is this the 'wake-up call' that Europe has been waiting for to shake off its torpor? We will already see at the European Council of 19-20 March whether it will be more than just words on competitiveness.
