Goals

Meloni surpasses Berlusconi IV: hers is the second longest government. But the knots are growing

Now the premier is aiming at 4 September to break the Berlusconi II record. Since the referendum, however, navigation has become stormy

by Manuela Perrone

La presidente del Consiglio, Giorgia Meloni. ANSA

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

On 2 May, the Meloni government crosses the finishing line as the second longest in the history of the Republic and sails towards 4 September, with the goal, stubbornly pursued by the premier, of beating the Berlusconi II record. But the sailing is no longer as smooth as before 23 March: the defeat in the referendum on justice reform has openeda new phase. Made of quarrels, stumbles, fibrillations and unknowns.

The calendar

For Meloni it now takes 1,287 days at the helm of Italia, as long as that Berlusconi IV of which the leader of Fratelli d'Italia herself was part as Minister of Youth between 2008 and 2011. A scenario that was unimaginable at the time, if only because Fratelli d'Italia would only have been born in 2012 and would have remained around risible percentages in consensus until 2022, the year of the jump from 4.2% in 2018 to 26% and of the revenge of the 'underdog' as the premier defined herself in her speech for the confidence vote in the Chambers.

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The next target

The first woman to hold the post of Prime Minister, she can only dream of another: to reach the 1,412 days of Berlusconi II, to surpass the goal reached by the Cavaliere on 23 April 2005. But these are very difficult months, with the wars in Iran and the Gulf, the detachment from the United States and from Donald Trump who has gone to dard against Italia, the energy crisis, the spectre of a recession to be averted, the deficit remaining above 3% of GDP, a Europe that remains deaf to the requests for exemptions to the Stability Pact.

The watershed referendum

The vote of 22-23 March was an event horizon for Meloni. It was a defeat that produced a series of unpredictable chain reactions: first the dismissal imposed on Andrea Delmastro, the undersecretary of Justice, who had entered into business with the daughter of the Senese clan's front man, on Giusi Bartolozzi, the head of the cabinet of Guardasigilli Carlo Nordio, and on Daniela Santanchè, the minister of tourism. Then the 'reshuffle' with the entry into the government of Gianmarco Mazzi in the role of Santanchè and five new undersecretaries; the implosion of Forza Italia with the substitutions of group leaders de facto imposed by Berlusconi's sons on the leader Antonio Tajani; the League of Matteo Salvini returned to making a big noise against Brussels and the 'meaningless' budget rules. In the middle, the appointments in the investee companies with the affair of the severance pay of the former managing director of Terna, Giuseppina Di Foggia, appointed to the presidency of Eni: Meloni had to intervene to resolve the issue and make the manager digest the renouncement of the maxi bonus.

The relationship with the Quirinal

As if that were not enough, the need to hastily wave the identity banner of the hard fist against irregular immigration, an evergreen glue for the centre-right, led to the wall-to-wall on the Security Decree for the regulations on repatriations. Filed that and solved the mess with a "corrective" decree, after a difficult mediation carried out by the undersecretary Alfredo Mantovano, here is the case of the pardon to Nicole Minetti and the enquiry by Il Fatto Quotidiano to reopen the spigot of tensions between Palazzo Chigi and the Colle.

The Venezi and Biennale cases

In the midst of it all, there was more trouble: the revelations by Claudia Conte on her relationship with the Viminale's owner, Matteo Piantedosi; the dismissal, with a trail of controversy and venom, of Beatrice Venezi from the La Fenice theatre in Venice; the clash on the right between the president of the Biennale Pietrangelo Buttafuoco and the Minister of Culture, Alessandro Giuli, over the Russian pavilion, culminating with the block resignation of the international jury.

Reforms at the post

The premier's magic touch seems to be losing its grip. The attempt to push forward the electoral law clashes with the allies' resistance, both explicit and subterranean. The premierate has remained in a drawer, the autonomy has ended up being emptied by the Constitutional Court. Even the constitutional bill on Roma Capitale, the only one on which hopes could still be pinned, shattered against doubts in the PD, whose abstention provoked the ire of Meloni.

Relaunching with work and home

the relaunch is entrusted to the measures of 1 May: the law decree that introduced the 'fair wage' and the 10 billion house plan, which led Meloni to appear for the press conference after the Council of Ministers twice in three days, a case more unique than rare. But it was precisely at the 30 April Cdm that a clash took place between Salvini and  Giuli, who went so far as to threaten not to vote on the plan for the downsizing of the superintendencies in the redevelopment of social housing. 'Enough snootiness,' intimated Meloni. She then went into a rage with a journalist who asked her about the Minetti affair and Nordio's position.

Fazzolari's budget

In this climate, it was the trusty undersecretary Giovanbattista Fazzolari who took charge of taking stock of these 1,287 days of government. In an interview with Adnkronos, he emphasised: "We are proud of this milestone: in a country like Italia, where the average duration of governments is just over a year, having guaranteed continuity and stability already represents an element of great importance on a domestic and international level". Fazzolari claimed the "measurable results": "Record levels of employment and a reduction in unemployment and precarious employment, public accounts in order and renewed confidence on the part of markets and investors, a collapse in the number of landings and an international prominence not seen for years".

"21 billion more per year to workers and families"

But it is one figure that the undersecretary showed he particularly cared about: 'Considering only the cut in the tax wedge for workers and the revision of the Irpef rates, from now on the State will collect 21 billion euro less each year, which means 21 billion euro more in the pockets of Italian workers and families'. Fazzolari maintains that the course remains the same: to respect the commitments made in the government programme. But from here on, until the elections, the risk that every day has its penalty is very high. And longevity, as doctors teach us, has value if accompanied by good health. Otherwise it is torment.

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