Supreme Guide

Mojtaba Khamenei leads Iran: the victory of the Revolutionary Guards and the discontent of the clergy

His appointment marks the victory of the Pasdaran over the political-religious wing

Iran, Mojtaba Khamenei eletto nuova Guida suprema

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

TEL AVIV

Mojtaba Khamenei is a man who divides rather than unites. Many Iranians did not want him. Not only the opponents of the Islamic Republic, but also a part of those who support it. He is seen as smoke in the eyes by the US and Israel. He is unliked by a large part of the Iranian clergy, who preferred a cleric of another rank, an Ayatollah as the highest authority in the Shia world, and not a middle-ranking jurist cleric. Instead, the powerful Guards of the Revolution. Mojtaba, 57, was their unofficial candidate.

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"With a majority of votes, the person was chosen who will continue the path of Imam Khomeini and the path of the martyr Imam Khamenei. Khamenei's name will continue. The vote has been cast and will be announced soon,' Hosseinali Eshkevari, a member of the Assembly of Experts, had anticipated in the afternoon in a video released by the Iranian media.

It will therefore be Mojtaba who will lead until his death - which the Americans and Israelis threaten will be imminent - the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Yet the name came only late in the evening, after a long day of waiting for the announcement. Among the powerful of Iran, the discontent was tangible. Ali Larijani, one of the most influential men in the regime, secretary of the Supreme Council for National Security as well as former president of the parliament, was reportedly vehemently opposed to Mojtaba's nomination, supporting the candidature of his brother Sadeq, an influential Shia cleric, in the leadership race.

Iran, migliaia di persone festeggiano la nomina di Mojtaba Khamenei a nuova Guida suprema

Mojtaba's appointment resembles a verdict: the Guards of the Revolution have won, strengthening their power.

Instead, the political-religious wing of the Ayatollahs was further weakened. On the other hand, it was difficult for them to accept a mid-level jurist like Mojtaba. Still less for his appointment to appear as a dynastic succession, from father to son. Just like the Pahlavi monarchy that the Khomeinist revolution had overthrown in 1979 by proclaiming the Islamic Republic.

Mojtaba can be described as a continuer of the intransigent line pursued by his father for 37 years. But he is also a man very close to the security apparatus, in particular to the Pasdaran.

His direct supporters are men of war, endowed with great military and economic power: Guard commander Ahmad Vahidi, former Guards intelligence chief Hossein Taeb, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.

Mojtaba's life tells of a reserved and determined man who likes to act in the shadows.

He was born in 1969 in the city of Mashhad in north-eastern Iran. He is the second son of Ali Khamenei, who succeeded Ruhollah Khomeini as supreme leader of the Islamic Republic since 1989.

Mashhad

His religious fervour led him to enlist as a volunteer at only 17 years of age in the youth militia during the war fought from 1980 to 1988 between Khomeini's Iran and Saddam Hussein's Iraq. That experience strengthened his relationship with military circles and the Pasdaran.

After the war, he moved to the holy city of Qom, where he studied in Shia religious schools. In the following years he rarely appears in the media and does not hold any obvious institutional positions.

Mojtaba built his power day after day, with patience and determination, in the silence of the corridors of the Beit-e Rahbari, the office of the Supreme Guide. He was the filter between his father and those who sought an audience.

His name had also emerged during the repression of protests following the 2009 presidential elections, when Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won. Behind the fraud and the extremely harsh repression - according to various accusations - he was behind it.

In the following years he consolidated relations with the Pasdaran and the Basij militias. This bond guarantees stability to the regime and continuity with his father's political line. But above all it offers the guardians a guarantee: unless the war brings about the end of the regime, their enormous Iranian military-industrial complex will remain intact.

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