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Mothers, we need rights and protection to boost the birth rate in Italy

From the right to choose to women's employment, from maternal surnames to the defence of fragile situations: the demographic winter is fought by valuing motherhood

by Monica D'Ascenzo and Chiara Di Cristofaro

5' min read

5' min read

Why is it important to talk about mothers' rights today? Never as in recent years has motherhood been and - in a different way still is - at the centre of the debate, including the political debate: in Italy the issue of the birth rate is at the centre of the debate and, in turn, the discussion shifts to what policies are necessary and useful to reverse the trend. When people talk about mothers, however, they do so as a necessary component for the development of society and the country, but without this being followed up by attention to the needs, rights and valorisation of those who represent that fundamental component in reality. Mothers thus become a means and not an end, they are not the subject but the object of a country strategy that calls for more births to respond to the ageing of the population, the need for a generational change in the workforce, support for the welfare system, and so on. Mothers are not placed at the centre of politics but are a collateral element of the nation's development.

Instead, the gaze should necessarily be widened: to what extent is becoming a mother a choice that can be defined as totally free and possible for all women? To what extent is the protection of motherhood, mentioned in our Constitution in Article 31, really realised in our legal and social system? How much are we still bound to a vision of motherhood that only concerns the period of gestation and birth, thus leaving out everything else?

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"Mothers have often been regarded as means and not as ends. Health services have been directed towards mothers with the aim of encouraging the birth of healthy babies, forgetting that in the mother there is also a woman, who also has the right to health and survival. Society has an obligation to guarantee a woman's right to life and health, especially when she puts her life at risk to give us life,' wrote Professor Mahmoud F. Fathalla, former UN Director of the Special Programme Human Reproduction who died in 2023. A view that should be broadened from health to the right to work, from social recognition (including through a mother's surname for her children) to protection against domestic violence.

"Motherhood is not a limited event or period in a woman's life: it also exists when children grow up, when they become adults. Rethinking the role and rights of mothers means considering motherhood in all its complexity and difficulty, in its evolution over time," reflects Maria Donata Panforti, a jurist specialised in family law and professor of Comparative Law of Minors at the University of Modena and Reggio Emilia.

The recognition of mothers' human rights began in the mid-20th century. In 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which proclaimed equal rights for men and women and explicitly gave 'motherhood' a special right to 'care and assistance'. In 1966, mothers were further recognised by the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which expanded the rights associated with motherhood to include not only the period of pregnancy, but also before and after. It also stipulated that mothers should receive paid leave or, at the very least, adequate social security benefits during such periods. The protection of mothers' human rights was further strengthened in 1979, with the adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) by the General Assembly.

In the panorama of international law, however, legislation specifically dedicated to mothers is scarce and little recognised. But do individual states offer greater protection and guarantees of rights to mothers through their domestic legislation? The answer again is negative since mothers are not recognised as a specific group of subjects with rights of their own. And of course Italy is no exception.

The birth rate continues to fall

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However, attention cannot but be focused on a demographic fact that photographs a trend as well as a growing difficulty: the freezing of new births. According to the latest ISTAT data, fertility has fallen again in 2024, reaching 1.18 children per woman, surpassing the minimum of 1.19 in 1995, a year in which 526,000 children were nevertheless born compared to 370,000 in 2024. The births of children of foreign citizenship, which account for 13.5% of the total, also fell: in 2024 there were almost 50,000, about 1,500 fewer than the previous year.

From work to the right to choose

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As of 10 May, the implementation decree for the mothers' bonus for employed and self-employed women with two children and an Isee under 40,000 euro is still missing. Of course once it is operational, arrears will be recognised, but in the meantime families have had to cover the economic needs of these months with their own resources. The delay of this measure makes it clear that maternity is a political priority in a country that is still at the bottom of the list in Europe for the female employment rate, despite the slow improvement in recent years that has brought it to a record 53.5 per cent (when the Lisbon objectives indicated 60 per cent by 2010).

Work, therefore, remains one of the central factors to be leveraged so that motherhood can be experienced constructively by women and not just as a sacrifice of opportunity or a forced choice. But it is not enough: 'From a legal point of view, the focus on labour law is fundamental and very important, and there is still a lot to be done. But the effective recognition of mothers' rights also passes through much more,' stresses Professor Panforti, starting with the possibility of choosing concretely and freely whether or not to be a mother. In Italy, in fact, conscientious objection on the part of doctors is over 60 per cent, according to the latest publication of data by the Ministry of Health, which from year to year arrives more and more behind schedule with respect to the times defined by law.

From choice to family life. 'Let's not forget,' Panforti adds, 'that on the civil law front we started from a situation of total disadvantage of women in the position of husband as well as children, and we still see the repercussions and after-effects of that approach, for example in the operational management of family assets or in matters of inheritance'. A legacy that can also be seen in the words: even the language, says Panforti, should be changed, starting with that of the rules that still, in this field, do not reflect the real steps forward and arrangements of today's society. Suffice it to think, says the professor, of the term 'good father of the family', which still recurs and is cited in some judgments. But also in the lack yet of a law recognising the possibility of the use of the maternal surname for children. To date, couples can decide whether to give their child the mother's surname, the father's surname, or both, and in what order, not because there is a law, but following a ruling on 27 April 2022 by the Constitutional Court that defines as illegitimate, because discriminatory and detrimental to the child's identity, the Civil Code rules (Article 262) that automatically give a couple's child the father's surname.

In this context, situations of particular fragility must also be considered, from those of single mothers with a much higher risk of poverty than couples to mothers with disabilities or caregivers of children with disabilities. In the latter case, six bills for the recognition of family caregivers are pending in Parliament, but at the moment the regulation does not seem to be on the home stretch.

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