Preschool: how kindergarten shapes children's sense of justice and fairness
There is no truly inclusive growth if, from the very beginning, we do not educate ourselves to think that no one is 'too much'. Our challenge today is to not just celebrate this experience with words, but to put it to work now, before inequalities become even more corrosive and unsustainable
What is school for? To learn to read, count, write. To acquire those skills that - at least in the best of cases - will enable us to navigate life with more confidence and awareness, becoming freer citizens and more satisfied workers. But school does not only produce useful, measurable and 'spendable' skills. As early as kindergarten, boys and girls begin to develop a disposition to share, to cooperate, to tolerate inequalities, to justify them or to challenge them. Long before we sit at an actual desk, long before we know how to write an essay or read a page of philosophy, our sense of justice begins to take shape under the profound and often lasting influence of school and family.
Behavioural economists have long since learnt to measure our attitudes towards fairness and efficiency, selfishness and altruism, our propensity for cooperation and trust or opportunism and distrust, all through rigorous and powerful experiments. More recently, these experiments have also been used to study the development of such propensities from early childhood, in boys and girls, to understand, among other things, what role school and family play in this development process. This is precisely the subject of research conducted by Alexander Cappelen, John List, Anya Samek and Bertil Tungodden and published some time ago in the Journal of Political Economy ('The Effect of Early-Childhood Education on Social Preferences'. Journal of Political Economy 128(7), 2020, pp. 2739-2758). The study is part of the Chicago Heights Early Childhood Center, one of the most comprehensive longitudinal studies of early childhood ever conducted.
When kindergarten changes moral compass
The research by Cappelen and colleagues focuses on a 'prototypical' urban school district in Chicago Heights, a difficult area in the suburbs of Chicago, in terms of difficulty and low achievement. The idea is to study what John List calls the 'production function of education'. The mechanism, that is, through which educational 'inputs' are transformed into educational 'outputs'. A function about which we still know surprisingly little. This is why the study involves a group of 303 boys and girls between the ages of three and four being randomly assigned to three different 'treatments'. The first involves attending a kindergarten free of charge, for nine months and on a full-time basis. Here the idea is to observe the effect of a direct intervention on the children, on their daily experience of rules, shifts, social interactions. The second treatment, on the other hand, envisages parents taking part in a Parent Academy, again for the duration of 9 months. These are bi-weekly meetings, with the aim of teaching parents how to support their children's learning at home. Participation is incentivised financially, based on the children's attendance and academic performance. The third group is a control group to which no intervention is administered. Four years after the start of the study, the participants are contacted again and subjected to a series of incentivised experiments to measure their social preferences, i.e. their inclination towards fairness, efficiency and altruism. The results are illuminating. The first concerns the fact that these programmes, whether aimed at children or parents, do not change 'basic' selfishness. If children have to decide how much to share with another child, they usually do half and half, with no significant differences emerging from participation in the different groups.
The second result is more interesting. If parents participated in the Parent Academy this would make the children more efficiency-oriented than equity-oriented. In their efficiency experiment, the children in the Parent Academy are more tolerant of inequality if it is associated with an increase in the 'pie', efficiency, that is. The third result highlights, however, that the kindergarten experience makes children more egalitarian. In trials that bring into play justice criteria related to luck or merit, children behave in a way that generates significantly less inequality.
The most interesting part of the study, however, is not the effect of the various treatments per se, but the hypothesis on the mechanism. The authors suggest that preschool, as a context of everyday life, tends to resolve conflicts and contentions by invoking egalitarian norms that children internalise. The parent academy, on the other hand, may have transmitted more 'efficiencyist' reasons in the family and that grammar may have been absorbed and reproduced by the children. The message, ultimately, is not just 'kindergarten is good for you'. It is more alarming and more useful at the same time: both the content and the channel of intervention matter, because they can steer in different directions the way in which, even years later, a child compares himself with others on a basis of justice or pure efficiency. It is thus understood that the school between the ages of zero and six cannot be thought of merely as a baby-sitting service for busy parents. It is the place where one learns, often without realising it, the rules of social coexistence.


