ActionAid

The number of deportations is falling, but costs and the length of detention in CPRs are rising

This is highlighted in the research report ‘Deportations: An analysis of Italy’s repatriation policy, 2015–2025’ by ActionAid in collaboration with the University of Bari

by Vittoria Belluschi

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4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

Repatriation policy is one of the issues that most fuels public debate in Italia, as was recently the case with the scandal involving fake medical certificates used to claim that migrants were unfit for detention. In recent years, increasing resources have been channelled into the implementation of removal measures, relying in particular on detention centres and the enforced execution of returns. But does this approach work?

‘ActionAid Italia’ and the Department of Political Science at the University of Bari Aldo Moro have analysed the phenomenon in their study ‘Deportations: An analysis of Italian repatriation policy, 2015–2025’. Published today, 2 October 2026 – alongside an update to the ‘Trattenuti’ open data platform – the report offers the first systematic analysis of how Italy’s repatriation policy operated during the decade 2015–2025. The study is based on data obtained through freedom of information requests to Italian ministries and prefectures – in a climate described as ‘lacking transparency’.

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It is important to make one point clear: in order to assess the effectiveness of Italy’s repatriation policy, one must compare the number of repatriations with the removal orders that the authorities are required to carry out, not with the number of people who disembarked in the same year.

The role of CPRs

In 2025, out of 4,784 forced returns, only 1,732 were carried out from detention centres. Overall, last year saw a peak in the total number of forced returns, but those carried out from detention centres fell by 45.1 per cent compared with 2022. Yet, in 2025, a record number of admissions to detention centres was recorded: 6,835. The number of operational centres rose to eleven and the actual number of places to 883, marking an increase of 80 places. Whilst the total number of forced returns rose by 22.2 per cent – from 2022 to 2025 – those carried out without prior detention in detention centres quadrupled, from 762 to 3,052.

“Data from the Ministry of the Interior itself confirm that these centres do not, in fact, guarantee the promised repatriations and are not working. And yet, new ones are being announced, and investment continues in these hellish places from which people emerge (and often return) in desperate conditions,” said Fabrizio Coresi, a migration expert at ActionAid.

The economic cost

At least 217.1 million euros. That is how much was spent on the prison system – including detention centres for asylum seekers undergoing border procedures (CTRA) – between 2018 and 2025. Within this timeframe, 66.2 per cent of total expenditure is concentrated in the three-year period 2023–2025. Taking only facilities on Italian territory into account, the money spent between 2023 and 2025 on management and routine maintenance has increased by 45.7 per cent.

If one includes the one-off investments in Albania, the total detention cost per repatriation from the centres has risen by around 10,000 euros over the three-year period 2023–2025 – rising from around 6,455 euros to 16,560 euros. The cost of detention to carry out a return from the CPRs has risen by over 7,000 euros – from 4,265 to 11,855 euros – taking into account only the expenditure on the day-to-day running and maintenance of the facilities.

The human cost

The report compares the total number of days spent in detention centres with the number of deportations carried out from them, in order to measure the degree of coercion associated with each deportation. Each return is achieved through an increasing deprivation of liberty: whilst between 2018 and 2024 migrants spent between 62 and 84 days in the centres, by 2025 this period rises to 148 days – almost double. This is confirmed by the 2,000 people detained between 2018 and 2024 despite there being no concrete prospects of removal – due to the lack of effective readmission channels with their countries of origin.

Not to mention the conditions in which migrants are forced to live within the CPRs: between 2024 and 2026, the ‘Trattenuti’ platform documented at least five deaths of detainees; as well as attempts at suicide, self-harm, hunger strikes, riots and arson.

Implementation of the measures

Over the 10-year period analysed in the report, out of 302,000 removal orders, there were a total of 66,000 repatriations. This figure includes all types of repatriation: those carried out by force, the independent returns of expelled individuals, and assisted voluntary repatriations – which are not limited to undocumented migrants and include reintegration measures. This equates, therefore, to 22 returns per 100 removal orders and 9 per 100 from the CPRs. A significant shortcoming emerges: detention – by law – is an exceptional measure and is permissible only if it serves the purpose of return. Yet the repatriation rate remains distinctly low.

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Then there is the issue of nationality: the Italian repatriation system is fragile and costly because it is dependent on cooperative relationships with destination countries – which are not particularly stable. Again in the period 2018–2024, the ratio of repatriations carried out to measures adopted ranges from 54.8 per cent for Albania to figures close to zero for Syria, Afghanistan, Iran and Iraq. Another country with one of the highest rates of forced repatriations is Tunisia, which alone accounts for around half of the total recorded in the three-year period 2022–2024.

Italy’s repatriation policy: the conclusions

The report by ‘ActionAid’ and ‘UniBari’ paints a picture of a fragile repatriation system: periods of detention, coercion and costs are on the rise; the number of successful repatriations and the effectiveness of the CPRs are declining. All of this takes place against a backdrop characterised by a lack of transparency on the part of the competent authorities.

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