Towards the referendum

Separating careers to make justice more transparent

The reform is an act of responsibility towards the Constitution, the judiciary and the citizens in whose name justice is administered

by Isabella Bertolini

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

The debate on the reform of the judiciary is fuelling a misunderstanding that must be clarified once and for all: the separation of careers between judges and prosecutors is not an attack on the judiciary and does not jeopardise its independence. The reform makes the roles clearer, the responsibilities more legible and the functioning of the judiciary more transparent.

Let's face it: in the reality of everyday life and the current unitary career, prosecutors are also supposed to look for evidence to exonerate suspects. We all know that this rarely happens. And the gip should prevent unfounded trials brought by the prosecution, saving public resources and the long judicial ordeal of people and organisations dragged through to the third instance. But even this does not happen.

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The accusatory process, introduced with the Vassalli reform, designed a model in which prosecution and defence confront each other on an equal footing before a third judge. The separation of careers is the natural step that fully implements its framework, consistent with the principle of due process, enshrined in Article 111 of the Constitution.

In a mature democracy, it is not enough for the judge to be impartial: he must also appear so in the eyes of the citizens. The clearer distinction between prosecutor and judge also meets this need, dispelling any possible suspicion of proximity between functions that must remain clearly distinct in the trial.

It is therefore misleading to claim that the reform would call into question the independence of the judiciary. Autonomy and independence from any other power are carved in stone in Article 104 of the Constitution and safeguarded by the guarantee function entrusted to the President of the Republic, who will preside over the two future High Councils of the Judiciary, judging and prosecuting.

The figure of the public prosecutor will also finally find a more explicit constitutional position, clarifying functions and perspectives that in the accusatory model are structurally different from those of the judge.

An essential chapter then concerns the autonomous government of the judiciary. In recent years, the weight of currents and the logic of belonging has affected the public perception of the system in no small measure. Acknowledging this does not mean delegitimising the judiciary, but addressing a real problem. When corporatism prevails over accountability and transparency, public confidence suffers. This is also why the reform introduces instruments designed to make self-government more transparent and to free the judiciary from

current dynamics that have conditioned the functioning of the institutions over the years.

This logic also includes the establishment of a High Disciplinary Court, which is called upon to deal with the responsibility of magistrates by separating this function from those relating to careers and appointments with obvious benefits for the system. No guarantee is lost: the appeal to the Court of Cassation for violation of the law provided for by the Constitution remains in place. The aim is to strengthen the credibility of the disciplinary system, avoiding overlaps that over time have fuelled doubts and misunderstandings.

As a whole, the reform not only does not alter the democratic balance but makes it even more transparent and consistent. These same arguments, then, are not the heritage of a single political party. They are shared by a transversality that transcends the boundaries of the current centre-right parliamentary majority, reaching as far as the exponents of the so-called Left for Yes, but also by many, many magistrates, including the former Attorney General of the Court of Cassation, Luigi Salvato, some of whom have put their support for the reform in black and white in the book 'Magistrates for Yes'.

In a newspaper of the prestige of Il Sole 24 Ore, one cannot but reiterate: the confrontation on justice deserves to be addressed precisely in this way, on the merits. Because a reform of the judiciary does not serve to settle political scores, but to make more modern and coherent an institutional set-up that has been waiting too long to be completed. And when a reform makes the roles clearer, the rules more transparent and the jurisdiction more credible, it does not weaken democracy: it strengthens it.

Finally, I feel it is necessary to emphasise that respect for the Constitution cannot resolve itself into a ritual rhetorical formula. Reform does not mean violating. Reform means taking responsibility for preparing instruments that can protect and fully implement the principles enshrined in our Supreme Charter. In this perspective, reform is an act of responsibility towards the Constitution, the judiciary and the citizens in whose name justice is administered.

Lay Councillor Superior Council of the Magistracy

National Secretary 'Yes Reform' Committee

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