That boost needed by the European Defence Community

At the dawn of European integration, the Schuman Declaration of 9 May 1950 stands out - as extensively documented and analysed by historians and analysts - which quickly led, with the Treaty of Paris of 18 April 1951, to the establishment of the ECSC, the Coal and Steel Community. France, Germany, Italia, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg were the founding countries. It was the forerunner of today's European Union. A fundamental step, which also had the purpose - writes Federico Fabbrini in the book fresh from the press L'esercito europeo, difesa e pace nell'era di Trump, published by Il Mulino - "of subjecting the Ruhr's mineral and industrial resources to common management, thus taking away from Germany the exclusive use of what had historically been the main sources of its industrial war supremacy in the world wars". The next step, also of historic significance, was the signing of the Treaties of Rome on 25 March 1957. The European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community for civil use were born. Quite different was the outcome on the defence side and the establishment of a European army. This is a very important issue to investigate, especially today with the announced disengagement of the United States from the defence system that with NATO has governed the balance of the West so far. Fabbrini reconstructs what happened. In the midst of the Cold War, with the Soviet threat at the gates and the subject of German rearmament more on the agenda than ever, in October 1950, French Prime Minister René Pleven proposed a plan to create a European army, also inspired and written by a giant of European construction like Jean Monnet. In this way, French, German and other European divisions would be placed under a common command and integrated into NATO. This led to 1951, when many close diplomatic negotiations (the role of Alcide De Gasperi and Altiero Spinelli was decisive) paved the way for the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community, the EDC (132 articles and several protocols). The constituting European army would be financed by a common budget and governed by supranational institutions. The Treaty was signed in Paris on 27 May 1952 by Robert Schuman for France, Konrad Adenauer for Germany, Alcide De Gasperi for Italia, Paul van Zeeland for Belgium, Luxembourger Joseph Bech and Dutchman Dirk Stikker. Germany, Holland, Luxembourg and Belgium ratified the Treaty between 1953 and 1954. The stop - which, Fabbrini recalls, 'aroused indignation in the four countries that had already ratified it' - came on 30th August 1954 when the Assembly of the Fourth French Republic approved, with 319 votes in favour and 264 against, a 'preliminary motion' that in fact postponed ratification sine die. It was the tombstone to that ambitious common defence project. Although Italia did not object to ratification, it adopted an initially wait-and-see line. With De Gasperi leaving the scene and dying in August of that same year, the new government presented a bill for ratification but then the French stopgap blocked everything. Technically, therefore, the CED Treaty was not rejected by the Parliaments of France and Italia. It is from this observation, based on predominantly legal grounds, that the thesis set out in the book stems: technically, it would be possible to re-propose the CED today. It would only need two ratifications by France and Italia. Feasible? The obstacles are all political and at first sight insurmountable: France is going through a period of deep political instability and crucial presidential elections are scheduled for 2027. Germany has taken a very clear path with its EUR 900 billion rearmament plan. On common defence, Europe is marching at breakneck speed. And Italia? A bill 'for the ratification and implementation of the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community' was presented on 5 April last year in the Chamber of Deputies by Mauro Del Barba, of Italia viva, but it is clear that it should be the governmentin the first place that has its say. And how would the various political forces vote in Parliament? For our country,' concludes Fabbrini, who has launched the Alcide project for this reason, the CED is the best solution 'in order not to be marginalised either in Europe or in an international system increasingly dominated by power logics'.