Experiments

The New Metropolises of the Authoritarians

The 'freedom cities' championed by the Silicon Valley techno-libertarian elite and Donald Trump are enclaves of deregulated, digitally powered and centrally planned innovation. The challenge is not to build new cities, but to ensure that they serve democracy rather than undermine it

by Robert Muggah and Carlo Ratti

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

Few political ideas are as radical - or as misguided - as 'freedom cities'. Endorsed by Silicon Valley's techno-libertarian elite and recently embraced by right-wing politicians such as Donald Trump, the idea is to create enclaves of deregulated, digitally powered and centrally planned innovation.

This sounds promising. Proponents of freedom cities want to reduce bureaucracy, boost innovation and solve America's housing crisis. In practice, however, these projects risk becoming redoubts for the wealthy, managerial fiefdoms where inequality is built into the foundations. While the promoters talk about freedom, their model entrusts governance to corporate boards rather than the ballot box.

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However, the basic idea of using purpose-built settlements as platforms for experimentation should not be discarded. Throughout history, cities have served as crucibles for political and economic reform. From Periclean Athens to modern Barcelona, urban communities have pioneered innovations in governance, planning and participation. The challenge is not to build new cities, but to ensure that they serve, rather than undermine, democracy.

Trump's proposal for 2023 to launch ten freedom cities on federal land was not invented out of thin air. The concept has intellectual roots in Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Romer's 'charter city' model, originally conceived as a lever for economic renewal in developing countries. Venture capitalists have since reinterpreted the idea, imagining privately run start-up cities isolated from supervision. Investors such as Sam Altman, Marc Andreessen, Brian Armstrong and Peter Thiel promote these enclaves as proving grounds for artificial intelligence, biotechnology and fintech; think tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute have proposed dozens of new cities on federal land; and the newly formed Cities of Freedom Coalition is pushing to build 'as many cities as the market can handle'.

Experiments of this kind are already underway. In Honduras, the short-lived 'Próspera' project was supported by US investors and operated briefly under its own regulatory regime before succumbing to democratic protests and controversy. In California, Andreessen and associates launched the 'California Forever' project, a plan for a 400,000-person settlement in Solano County designed to circumvent urban planning restrictions. Thiel's seasteading movement goes further, imagining autonomous city-states in international waters. And in 2025, investors unveiled plans for a high-tech enclave in Greenland. Marketed as a centre for artificial intelligence, advanced energy and geoengineering, it has been criticised as a form of neo-colonialism that threatens protected ecosystems and indigenous lands.

After all, these initiatives are not so much about improving cities as they are about rethinking sovereignty. Angel investor Balaji Srinivasan envisions 'networked states' governed via blockchain by online communities crowdsourcing land purchases. Far-right blogger Curtis Yarvin promotes 'corporate monarchies' run by unelected CEOs. What their visions have in common is not a passion for urbanism, but a hostility to democracy. Citizenship becomes a subscription, governance a service and rights an afterthought.

Criticism of government inefficiency gives these projects political cover. Supporters of free cities rail against zoning regulations, permit delays and oversight, drawing on widespread frustrations over housing and infrastructure. They see labour rights, environmental protections and civic participation as inefficiencies to be 'optimised'. The result is less Athens and more Amazon: efficient, centralised, profit-driven and devoid of any democratic accountability.

History warns us. Top-down planned capitals like Brasília and Chandigarh may have offered dazzling architecture, but they struggled to create resilient and inclusive communities. The corporate cities of the 20th century have shown how corporate control of housing and services further reinforces inequality and erodes rights. Without protections, freedom cities risk repeating these mistakes under a new digital guise.

But cities have been engines of democratic renewal and could be again. Athens institutionalised civic participation through the boule and dikasteria (citizen-run councils and courts, respectively). Although imperfect by modern standards, these institutions were revolutionary in treating government as a collective endeavour.

Later, in the 19th century, Charles Fourier's phalansteries inspired cooperative housing experiments. In the 20th century, Copenhagen's Freetown Christiania and Arizona's Arcosanti created an alternative model of self-government and sustainability. More recently, Barcelona has pioneered participatory digital platforms, Vienna and Zurich have expanded cooperative housing, and Helsinki and Taipei have developed civic technology communities. These imperfect but instructive examples demonstrate that urban reinvention can expand democracy rather than reduce it.

Progressives should reclaim the freedom-city debate, not cede it to techno-authoritarians. The new cities could act as sandboxes for democratic innovation. They could have participatory assemblies instead of corporate charters. Housing could be seen as a right rather than an investment. Digital sovereignty would prevail over digital colonialism. The tools exist: cooperative governance, climate-adapted design, universal basic services and digital public goods have already been tried and tested around the world.

The battle for free cities is not just about zoning, taxes or land use. It is about the future of political governance itself. The choice is stark and we cannot afford to ignore it. One road leads to privatised archipelagos of privilege, optimised for efficiency and enforced by algorithms and surveillance. The other leads to civic platforms that can renew democracy and harness technology to promote social and economic inclusion.

Robert Muggah, co-founder of the Igarapé Institute and the SecDev Group, is a member of the World Economic Forum's Global Future Council on Cities of Tomorrow and an advisor to the Global Risks Report.

Carlo Ratti, director of the Senseable City Lab at MIT, is co-founder of the international design and innovation firm Carlo Ratti Associati.

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025.

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