Middle East

The election that could change Israel: here’s what’s at stake and who the key players are

On 27 October, Prime Minister Netanyahu will face off against a diverse but large coalition. These are the first elections since the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023

Un poster elettorale che mostra un fotomontaggio con il premier Benjamin Netanyahu  e il leader del partito «Democratici», Yair Golan   EPA/ABIR SULTAN EPA

7' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

7' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

More than 7 million Israelis are preparing to vote in the first national elections since the attack launched by Hamas on 7 October 2023 from the Gaza Strip. The election on 27 October 2026 comes eight months after the start of the conflict with Iran and is seen as a referendum on the leadership of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has been in power for years. From the outside, one might think that voters are focusing on issues related to Israel’s actions in the war in Gaza or its occupation of much of southern Lebanon and parts of Syria; instead, Israelis are focused on domestic issues. At the heart of the debate are the security failures (always a sensitive issue) that made 7 October – the bloodiest day in the country’s history – possible, as well as compulsory military service, attempts to reform the judicial system, and the figures leading the various political parties.

As for the key figures in these elections, Netanyahu himself, aged 77, seemed set to lose power, at least according to the polls in recent months. However, as the election approaches, the gap between him and his opponents has narrowed, and the coalition challenging him does not appear likely to form a government easily. Having been in power for a long time since 2009 – following a first term as prime minister in the 1990s – Netanyahu has become the face of Israel abroad, whilst at home he remains a figure who deeply divides public opinion. His supporters call him ‘King Bibi’ and regard him as the strong leader Israel needs to defend itself in a hostile region. But Netanyahu is fighting for his political survival: he is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza – charges he denies – and is on trial in Israel for corruption, offences he denies having committed. Opinion polls point to a sharp decline in support for his party, Likud, following the attack on 7 October, which has shattered Netanyahu’s credibility on security matters (in recent months there has been a succession of scoops and revelations suggesting that, prior to 7 October, Bibi had been warned on several occasions of an imminent large-scale attack by Hamas and had done nothing about it). Furthermore, his government’s policies on issues concerning the relationship between religion and state have proved unpopular with many Israelis. No one, however, underestimates the Prime Minister’s ability to weather the storm, as he has done in the past. It is no coincidence that, during this election campaign, he has declared his intention to form a government of ‘broad national unity’.

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Netanyahu’s many rivals

The figure who has emerged in recent months as the current prime minister’s most formidable opponent is the former Chief of the General Staff, Gadi Eisenkot, aged 66, who lost a son in combat in Gaza. Eisenkot has presented himself as a figure outside the traditional political sphere, a military man and a hardliner on security issues; his humble origins and his family’s sacrifices stand in stark contrast to the decades Netanyahu has spent in the upper echelons of power and the corruption cases against him. Eisenkot heads a new centrist party called Yashar, a Hebrew term meaning ‘upright’ or ‘honest’. Alongside Eisenkot, challenging Netanyahu is former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, 54, a right-wing politician, former member of special forces, former associate of Netanyahu and a millionaire in the high-tech sector: he has joined forces with another seasoned politician, the former centrist Prime Minister Yair Lapid. Their new party is called ‘Together’ and aims to heal a traumatised nation and put the country back on the right track. Their alliance seeks to reconcile positions that are often diametrically opposed, but it already has a success to its name, having succeeded in ousting Netanyahu from government in the 2021 elections.

Another former ally who is now an opponent is the former Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman, aged 68, once a close ally of Netanyahu. Even more hardline than his former leader, Lieberman left the government in 2018, accusing the Prime Minister of being too soft on Palestinian militants in Gaza, and has become one of his fiercest critics. His party, ‘Israel Beitenu’ (Israel, Our Home), draws much of its support from the community of immigrants from the former Soviet Union. Former General Yair Golan, 64, celebrated for having saved several people during the Hamas attack on 7 October, leads the ‘Democrats’ party, which rose from the ashes of the Labour Party (a historic Israeli political party) and the smaller left-wing Meretz party.

About a month ago, a photograph of some of these politicians from the current opposition – gathered informally in a living room around a coffee table – went viral in the media, and they were dubbed ‘the bloc for change’ with a common goal: to oust Netanyahu. Those present included the host, Yair Lapid; his ally Naftali Bennett from the Yachad coalition; the leader of Yashar, Gadi Eisenkot; the leader of the Democrats, Yair Golan; and the leader of Yisrael Beiteinu, Avigdor Lieberman. That said, the Israeli electoral system is proportional: voters cast their ballots for party lists, and parliamentary seats are allocated to the candidates on those lists; therefore, it will not be easy for such a diverse coalition to find common ground.

Who supports the Prime Minister

Netanyahu, too, heads a diverse coalition that has supported his government in recent years. Among the most controversial figures are Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, aged 46, and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, aged 50, both of whom have come under scrutiny from the international community due to their far-right stances towards the Palestinians.Smotrich has been the main driving force behind the rapid expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, openly stating that he hopes this will ‘bury’ the idea of a Palestinian state. Ben-Gvir, who was convicted in 2007 of incitement to racism against Arabs, has advocated for the introduction of the death penalty for convicted Palestinian militants, the tightening of prison conditions for incarcerated Palestinians, and making it easier for Israelis to obtain firearms. Both have advocated the expulsion of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and the resettlement of the enclave by Israel. For years, Netanyahu has relied on two ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties, United Torah Judaism and Shas, for his political survival. The ultra-Orthodox parties demand that their community be largely exempt from compulsory military service; this, combined with low participation in the labour market and dependence on state benefits, has aroused resentment amongst many Israelis, all the more so during a period of war.

Then there are parties that could tip the balance one way or the other. Parties not clearly aligned with either side could favour Netanyahu or his rivals. These include Raam and the Joint List, the two parties representing the Arab minority, which makes up 20 per cent of the Israeli population. Added to these are a new right-wing party, ‘People of Israel’, and a centre-right party, ‘The Reservists’; according to the polls, both remain undecided.

The election campaign and Iran

The three points that Eisenkot, Netanyahu’s main rival, has pledged to pursue ‘within a week’ of the formation of a potential government under his leadership are: an institutional commission of inquiry into the failure of 7 October 2023, legislation on conscription ‘for all’, and a national cabinet to combat crime. ‘Within eighteen months of my taking office, the terrorist organisation Hamas will no longer govern Gaza. No one is more determined than I am to dismantle Hamas,” said the former Chief of Staff of the IDF, who was appointed to this role in 2014 by Netanyahu himself. Eisenkot is seeking a strong result for his party in order to secure the mandate to form a coalition. “Yashar! must achieve a result significantly better than that of Likud. Without a clear lead for Yashar! over Likud, there will be no change. Netanyahu is aiming for a dead heat so that he can claim he must remain in office.” The latest polls published on Friday put Eisenkot at around 22 seats compared to Likud’s 20, whilst none of the blocs comprising the current opposition and coalition manage to secure the minimum of 61 seats (out of 120) required to form a government.

For months, Eisenkot has presented himself as a level-headed alternative to Netanyahu, basing his election campaign more on reliability than on a markedly different approach to the countless security challenges facing the country. However, in the final stages of the election campaign, the issue of Iran – and Israel’s future approach towards it – is widening the policy gap between the two. Netanyahu promises to overthrow the regime in Tehran – with the support of US President Donald Trump – and, during a rally last week, presented himself as the only leader capable of waging a battle of existential proportions.

On Sunday, Netanyahu posted an image, created using artificial intelligence, depicting an Iranian nuclear bomb exploding over Tel Aviv. A few hours later, Trump expressed his support for the Israeli Prime Minister for the second time, stating that the two leaders must ‘finish the job’ in Iran.

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Eisenkot, for his part, is focusing on more limited objectives. Whilst maintaining that Iran’s nuclear programme must be halted – even by resorting to military action, if necessary – he told army radio this month that regime change in Tehran ‘is not a feasible objective’. Although he has consistently held hawkish views throughout his career, Eisenkot now says he wants to give diplomacy greater priority.

The question of how Israel intends to deal with Iran is becoming an increasingly significant factor in the run-up to Tuesday’s elections, not least because Trump has repeatedly hinted that he wishes to reignite the conflict that he and Netanyahu launched against the Islamic Republic on 28 February. This standoff has remained deadlocked for months, with Washington attempting to exert economic pressure through a naval blockade, whilst Tehran has sought to maintain control over the Strait of Hormuz.

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