The analysis

Those three million fragile and forgotten

3' min read

3' min read

The employment data give us very positive news: not only for the crossing of the 24 million employed threshold, but also for the growth of all the most significant indicators (the employment rate, the number of women in work, the number of permanent contracts). The optimism induced by these numbers is, therefore, entirely legitimate, but it must not overshadow a problem that exists even within such a positive picture: there is an important part of the production system trapped within working conditions that do not respect the rules.

It is not easy to quantify the number of people in this situation: we can assume, by cross-checking the various available data, that about three million people work on the basis of 'poor' or irregular contracts. We are not talking, let us be clear, about fixed-term workers and those employed by employment agencies on temporary contracts: these people, although they face the uncertainty linked to the expiry of the contract, enjoy all the legal and contractual protections.

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We are talking about that variegated world made up of different situations - simulated part-time work, false VAT numbers, irregular coordinated and continuous collaborations, chains of illegal contracts, and even outright undeclared work - that have in common the violation of that 'constitutional minimum' of rules that protect the dignity of work: regular working hours, the application of a collective agreement signed by truly representative trade union and employer associations, correct social security regulations, and protection against unjustified dismissal.

A phenomenon that affects all economic sectors and all age groups, although it has young people and women as its privileged victims, who share the fate of being the main protagonists of labour exploitation.

Problems that are accentuated by the imperious development of the digital economy; the great - and now indispensable - opportunities that platforms and the sharing economy offer us are possible thanks to the work of people who have not yet found the right and definitive contractual arrangement, not least because of the undeniable difficulty of reconciling a system of rules born in the last century with completely new methods and forms of work.

This piece of the labour market can be known, with a very empirical but certainly effective method, by sifting through those 'nightmarish advertisements' that - especially in peripheral and small production realities - bring out clumsy and blatant discrimination almost always centred on gender, age and geographical origin.

A situation made more complicated by the vagaries of the legislator's choices. The constant search by politicians for easy solutions to solve complex problems produces a form of 'labour-law populism' that prevents exploitation issues from being tackled in a pragmatic and decisive manner, an approach to which not even the minimum wage debate is immune.

To intervene in this problem, it is not just necessary to call for increased controls. What is needed is decisive intervention by an all too often forgotten party, the consumers. So many people, even the most socially responsible ones, turn into ruthless predators when they stand in front of their smartphones and have to buy a good or service, pretending not to know that someone in their place will have to bear the burden of the excessive savings they are making. An important role can, of course, also be played by companies, although we must be careful not to put them in the dock: employers can, in fact, be victims in exploitative events, because any company that puts irregular labour in its engine does damage first and foremost to those competitors who, instead, enter the market under conditions of regularity.

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