US presidential election

Trump and Asia: what will be the relationship with the inconvenient Chinese giant

By virtue of the economic and political weight of the contenders, the entire Indo-Pacific will be confronted with choices that could upset the economic and strategic balance of some of the world's main growth engines

Il prossimo presidente degli Stati Uniti Donald Trump in una foto di repertorio scattata a Pechino durante la sua prima amministrazione

3' min read

3' min read

From our correspondent

NEW DELHI - The political earthquake that brought Donald Trump back to the White House is set to generate massive waves. And - if the election promises are fulfilled - the swells that will cross the Pacific Ocean could turn into a tsunami hurled at great speed towards the coasts of Asia. First and foremost, China will have to deal with it. But, by virtue of the economic and political weight of the contenders, it will be the whole Indo-Pacific that will have to contend with choices that could upset the economic and strategic balance of some of the main engines of world growth.

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The Chinese Target

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The starting point is inevitably the tariffs. In the election campaign, Trump promised 60% tariffs on Chinese consumer goods. If he kept his word, Beijing - with its $500 billion of exports to the US, 15% of the total - would face a challenge to say the least. To understand how much, one only has to make a comparison with what happened in 2018-19, when the Republican leader's protectionist agenda took the form of duties ranging from 7.5% to 25% on $370 billion of made-in-China goods. This time, in addition to more than double the tariffs, it would be the condition of the Chinese economy, which is no longer what it was in 2018, that would make the difference.

At the time, a quarter of Beijing's GDP revolved around the real estate sector. Today, real estate is in deep trouble and will not be able to help China absorb the impact of a new trade war. Not only that. The real estate crisis has burdened local governments with debts that will greatly reduce the fiscal arsenal deployable to cushion external shocks. A picture made even more uncertain by other factors: a domestic demand that remains weak, with household consumption lower than 40% of GDP, about 20 points lower than the world average; deflationary pressures that would be aggravated by a contraction in foreign demand; limited margins of manoeuvre to depreciate the yuan by the 18% that, according to some estimates, would make it possible to offset a 60% duty on the United States.

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The possible answers

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"China," explains Alicia Garcia Herrero, Asia Pacific chief economist at Natixis, "cannot in fact respond" to tariffs of this magnitude. 'What it can do,' she continues, 'is to announce new stimuli to the economy so that the markets do not penalise it'. But also to try to counterattack. For example, by imposing duties on the agri-food sector (thanks to its strong trade relations with Brazil), penalising American companies with strong Chinese interests, and introducing limits on the export of crucial raw materials. This already happened last year with gallium and germanium, two metals used in the defence, communications and semiconductor sectors.

But since Donald Trump is not only the author of 'The Art of the Comeback', but also of 'The Art of the Deal', there is also the possibility that the threats to Beijing serve to open a negotiation whose contours have yet to be defined. If - pandering to the isolationist impulses of the next US president - China were to offer trade concessions in exchange for some form of US disengagement from the Asian chessboard, the consequences at the strategic level could be far-reaching.

The geopolitical chessboard

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Inthis regard, the first name that comes to mind is Taiwan (a country that "should pay us to defend it", Trump said last summer), but not only. Japan, Vietnam and the Philippines also find themselves in the uncomfortable position of having territorial disputes with China just as a president is about to take office in the White House who during his first term in office missed no opportunity to treat his allies as if they were profiteers, and offered hitherto unthinkable openings of credit to the North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un, the main element of instability in the region. It is hard to imagine that in Seoul they are toasting the re-election of the Republican leader.

In South Asia, Trump's return should be more good news for India than for Pakistan. New Delhi has been the main political and military counterweight to Beijing for years now, and between the incoming US President and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the past there has been the consonance of views typical of strongmen with little patience for minorities, oppositions and democratic counterweights in general. Conversely, in the past Trump has accused Islamabad of 'bad faith' and - with the United States now out of Afghanistan - Pakistan's centrality to a more pro-Indian American foreign policy, less concerned than in the past with the medium- to long-term stability of the Subcontinent, may become a memory.

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