Justice

Security Decree 2026, so migrants' lawyers risk independence

The decree introduces a financial incentive to lawyers in the case of client repatriation, with the risk of a conflict of interest and the violation of constitutional principles

by Carlo Melzi d'Eril and Giulio Enea Vigevani

 (Adobe Stock)

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

The security law decrees are repeated with yearly constancy and the only security they provide concerns the knowledge that there will be at least some provisions outside the constitutional perimeter.

This daunting treasure hunt is particularly easy for the 'Security Decree 2026' thanks to the majority's latest regulatory 'stunt'. Article 30 bis of the decree-law, which has already been approved in the Senate and which by 25 April (the little devil of the calendar seems to have fun with anniversaries), must be definitively converted by the Chamber of Deputies on pain of forfeiture, includes a provision that literally leaves one baffled, as the National Association of Magistrates has written.

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It is stipulated that if a migrant person accepts repatriation and is really then deported, his or her lawyer, duly appointed, can receive the equivalent in money of what the state would have paid by law to his or her client for the first expenses.

Such a provision, even before clashing head-on with more than one constitutional principle, constitutes a true cultural scandal. The role of the lawyer, in any legal system that wishes to call itself civil, even before being democratic, is characterised by an intangible rule: the lawyer acts solely and exclusively in the interest of the client, seeking to obtain, in compliance with the substantive and procedural rules, the best result from the client's point of view. The professional must have no other aim and may not take on roles that are at odds with this objective, otherwise he or she risks committing the offence of unfaithful patronage.

The amendment approved by the Senate appears to be precisely an apologia for unfaithful patronage, as the Union of Criminal Chambers immediately noted. But, beyond the (happy) joke, with this precept the legislature shows that it is ignoring, or wants to fibrillate to a standstill, the heart of the defence function. With the proposal to remunerate the lawyer with the money that would have been due to his client, the state is attempting, in an even vulgar manner, to interject itself into the professional relationship of trust, enticing the lawyer with the promise of remuneration if the client behaves in line with the interests of the current political majority.

Whether this operation is destined to succeed or fail, in any case, it is the attempt that leaves one baffled. The government thus sows the seeds of the mala pianta of a 'state bar' that, while formally serving the individual, is induced to follow the guidelines of the executive, even when they are at odds with the will and 'good' of the patron.

This is a considerable deformation of the identity of one of the key players in the wheels of justice. A deformation that, if approved, will not be slow to create unhealthy vibrations in the system, undermining trust in the relationship between lawyer and client, justifying other interventions in the wake of the creation of an aberrant forensic class prone to power, using economic leverage to condition (in essence buy) defence choices, directing them to protect a political party.

In this lunar and depressive landscape, there is only one dawn to look forward to. As mentioned, the ANM and the Criminal Chambers (but also the National Forensic Council) have risen up, censuring this disfigurement with words of equal severity. After the divisions, even fierce ones, of the recent referendum campaign, it is comforting to note that there is a class of jurists that vibrates in unison when the legislature threatens one of the pillars of the system. The hope, therefore, is to be able to start from here, from the sharing of principles, to discuss possible solutions to the many real and serious problems that characterise the administration of justice. 'Of course', a little Mephistophelean voice suggests, 'then you have to find a legislator to approve them...'.

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