The former governor

Zaia shakes up the League with his manifesto: liberal right that thinks of young people

The Lega Nord exponent in Il Foglio: 'Autonomy, foreign policy, security, young people, freedom on ethical issues and integration are the "pivotal points" on which the centre-right must demonstrate that it is a governing force capable of reading the present in order to shape the future'

by Rome Editorial Staff

Luca Zaia nella Sala Kock del Senato durante il convegno 'Seminando idee, coltivando proposte. Facciamo crescere l'agricoltura italiana', Roma, 15 Maggio 2025. ANSA/GIUSEPPE LAMI

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

4' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

Autonomy, foreign policy, security, young people, freedom on ethical issues, and integration: these are the 'pivotal points' on which the centre-right must 'demonstrate that it is a governing force capable of reading the present in order to shape the future' according to Luca Zaia, a Lega exponent, former governor of Veneto, and now president of the Veneto regional council.

The Sheet article

In an article in the Foglio, defined by the newspaper as 'Zaia's political manifesto', the leftist dedicates a chapter to 'right and freedom': 'The winning right,' he writes, 'is the liberal one. The liberal one loses. I say it clearly: ethical, civil, end-of-life, civil unions issues cannot be ideological taboos. The right, the centre-right, of today is not that of fifty years ago, and it will not be that of tomorrow. The issues of civil rights and the end of life cannot be dismissed with a prejudicial yes or no. They question the individual conscience even before political affiliation. A mature right does not impose visions, but constructs clear, respectful rules, capable of holding together personal freedom, collective responsibility and the role of the state. Without renouncing its own identity, without retreating before its own ideas'.

Loading...

Integration as complexity-aware governance

'You only have to enter a kindergarten or primary school classroom today,' Zaia emphasises, 'to realise that Italian children are growing up alongside children from other cultures, histories and backgrounds. We can pretend not to see this, or we can govern this phenomenon intelligently. Identity is not an automatic reflex: it is taught, transmitted, constructed. And it is also strengthened by respecting the identity of others, of those families that our country hosts and that are now part of it. Our history proves this: Venice dialogued with Byzantium in a continuous, open, sometimes competitive confrontation, taking the best from that encounter and thus strengthening its own civilisation. This is the lesson we must apply today: integration not as renunciation, but as conscious governance of complexity. Citizens are looking favourably on the liberal choices of this government. The future will see us engaged in choices that are not easy, but we must always be clear that the people expect courage, as has been the case so far'.

The autonomy

Another key point in Zaia's manifesto concerns autonomy: 'I cannot fail to emphasise that there is a southern question that is morally unacceptable and intolerable. But there is also a northern issue that can no longer be hushed up or, worse still, dismissed as the secession of the rich, an act of selfishness. We must also address it without any guilt complex in the interests of the country: a few regions, mostly in the north, produce the tax residue that keeps essential services going throughout Italy. Solidarity and subsidiarity are not in question, they are complementary. North and South are not adversaries, they are parts of the same national destiny, they are Siamese twins. The death or life of one is the death or life of the other. I say this without hypocrisy: if the North demands more efficiency, less bureaucracy, better conditions to produce, it does so in the interest of Italy as a whole. The centre-right must have the courage to say this: either we do autonomy by choice, or we will have to do it by necessity. Together we also have the task of guarding against a serious risk: neo-centralism'.

Foreign Policy

The second point emphasised by Zaia is 'foreign policy': 'I am convinced that today Italy can play an international role well above its demographic weight. We are not a military power, but we can be a superpower of diplomacy and balance, thanks also to the excellent international relations work of President Meloni, who has not been seen for many years and has restored the country's position and standing. Political stability restores credibility. In a context in which Europe, as it is, does not yet have the geopolitical standing it deserves, the European centre-right must question itself on this limitation: there is no strong Europe without strong, responsible, authoritative states. Italy can be a bridge between Europe and the United States, and consequently barycentric in Mediterranean diplomacy. A credible interlocutor, a factor for stability. I believe that this is one of the highest tasks of our foreign policy: not to take sides by reflex, but to mediate with identity'.

Security

On the subject of 'security', Zaia observes that 'respect for the rules is not left or right. Helping those fleeing war or hunger is a moral duty. Governing migratory flows is a political duty. The two things must proceed together. The caricature of an 'anti-immigrant' right wing is unacceptable. We are against illegality, which is something quite different, much more serious'. Furthermore, he continues, 'the state must defend the forces of law and order. Security does not mean militarisation, but presence. Either decisive action is taken, or the degradation will spread further and further. The people expect certainty of punishment, it is unacceptable to go to jail only when you exceed four years of accumulated sentences. If the justification is that of overcrowding, which is serious and inhuman, there is only one solution: toughen the laws and build new prisons, perhaps taking advantage of the many former barracks that lie in isolated places in the country'.

Youth

finally, 'young people: the true national infrastructure': 'Youth mobility,' he observes, 'should not be demonised, it should be understood. Not everyone who leaves flees. Many abroad train, experiment, grow. It is the sign of our times. The problem is if and why they do not return. I believe that Italy must become a truly youth-friendly country. Laws must also be designed for those who are not the electoral majority, that is, our young people. We need policies for housing, for work, for training. As centre-right, we must launch national initiatives capable of attracting young people from all over the world, also intercepting new phenomena such as digital nomadism. We must breathe new life into our cities. Venice is a symbol: without young people there is no future; without a future, beauty becomes scenography. Let's give young people the chance to build a life for themselves, let's transform the rents of precarious workers, with the guarantee of the state, into the basis for a mortgage for access to housing. Let us bet on them with new and courageous policies'.

Copyright reserved ©
Loading...

Brand connect

Loading...

Newsletter

Notizie e approfondimenti sugli avvenimenti politici, economici e finanziari.

Iscriviti