Towards the NATO summit

Defence, Meloni's roadmap to 3.5 per cent of GDP: the Strait Bridge is also included

The secretary-general will put on the table of the leaders in The Hague on 24-25 June the investment plan to translate the American vision into numbers that are also European: 3.5% of GDP per year for armaments, the remaining 1.5% to be allocated to strategic investments in infrastructure, industry and security. Pressure from Italy and the United Kingdom to reach the goals by 2035

by Andrea Carli

Italia-Francia, Crosetto: "Incontro importante per Europa e Nato"

5' min read

5' min read

That of rearmament under pressure from NATO, in turn constantly urged on by US President Donald Trump, is a path that for Italy is developing piece by piece. And it could not be otherwise. The first in Meloni's strategy was, in the aftermath of the peace signed with French President Emmanuel Macron in Rome, the government summit focusing on the issues put on the table in recent months by the Atlantic Alliance. The rapprochement between the prime minister and the French president was also dictated by the need to present a common front in Europe in the face of Trump's fears of a clear-cut disengagement from the Atlantic Alliance, part of a strategy that the American president has not concealed in recent months and that could reach the moment of truth at the summit on 24 and 25 June in The Hague.

The focus is on the NATO summit in The Hague at the end of the month

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There Meloni will announce the achievement of the 2 per cent threshold of military spending in relation to GDP, a commitment that will also be assured beforehand to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, who will be a guest of the Prime Minister on 12 June. This is the goal declared by the government in recent months, achieved by including new items in the expenditure chapters, compatible with NATO parameters, which are different from those of the EU Commission, on the basis of which - as stated by Brussels in the document on recommendations to Italy, in the context of the European Semester - defence spending is forecast at 1.3% of GDP in both 2024 and 2025.

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The choice not to ask for exemptions from the Stability Pact

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Italy and France are not among the 16 EU countries that have asked for exemptions from the Stability Pact to increase defence spending, as part of the ReArm-Readiness package. Now the convergences announced will be put to the test by the upcoming geopolitical junctures, the negotiations on Ukraine and those between the EU and the US on tariffs, with the NATO summit coming ten days after the no less delicate G7 summit in Canada.

NATO pushes 5%

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Initially, the idea of investing five per cent of national wealth in defence was a proposal advocated by the US president, but received with some coldness within the Atlantic Alliance. If member countries have difficulty reaching the 2% threshold, was the widespread reasoning among many chancelleries, raising the bar beyond that threshold seemed an unfeasible operation, especially for those who, like Italy and France, have to deal with a particularly heavy public debt. With the passage of time, however, and with the approach of the summit in the Netherlands, the sensitivity on this issue has changed and the entire NATO has become united around the proposal to raise the bar to 5%. So much so, in fact, that the tycoon's doctrine - firmly relaunched by his Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth - has found its first outlet in the agreement on the Alliance's new capability targets at the meeting of the Atlantic Alliance defence ministers held in Brussels in the last few hours.

Secretary-General Rutte's proposal: 3.5% for armaments, 1.5% for infrastructure and industry

In fact, it will be Secretary General Mark Rutte who will put on the table before the leaders in The Hague on 24-25 June the investment plan to translate the American vision into numbers that are also European: 3.5% of GDP per year for armaments, the remaining 1.5% to be allocated to strategic investments in infrastructure, industry and security. A formula conceived to make the goal more sustainable for lagging countries like Italy, without disappointing Washington's expectation of having more autonomous allies in military terms. "We have agreed on capacity targets, valid for each country," Rutte clarified at a press conference at the end of the ministerial Alliance Defence, "and I do not want to go into the details" of the investment plan with the defence spending target set at 5% that will be presented at the Hague summit. "The allies," he emphasised, "will discuss the details, for example the date" by which the targets are to be met, "but the support of the allies" to strengthen the commitment is "strong". "The allies understand that it is necessary because we live in a different world, with greater threats," he concluded.

Pressing Italy and the UK to meet targets by 2035

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Having defined the objective, how to get there and with what timescale is therefore still to be defined. And the tug-of-war is precisely on this aspect. Italy, espousing the line of the United Kingdom, is aiming at the longer horizon of 2035 in the conviction - expressed by Defence Minister Guido Crosetto - that it is not yet ready for the effort required. France and Germany are working more on the hypothesis of a compromise on 2032, while the Baltic countries - with the Russian threat at their doorstep - are asking for a rush.

The Atlantic Alliance's new capability targets

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The agreement on the new capability targets marks the first step towards measurable spending commitments: more men, long-range missiles, new units, strengthened chains of command, increased levels of readiness and interoperability are the items on which NATO aims to build the spending necessary to ensure 'collective deterrence and defence' in a context of 'growing threats'. Commitments that, according to what has emerged in recent hours, are 30% more ambitious than those set in 2021. But the real gap is greater: with the current targets only 60-80% achieved, the actual increase required will be between 50% and 70%, to be achieved 'within 5-10 years'. The only one to have outlined the contours so far has been Germany: there is talk of '50-60 thousand more soldiers' active in the country, reported Defence Minister Boris Pistorius, however excluding for the time being the discussed recourse to compulsory conscription.

The Crosetto line

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But it is on the spending percentage that the real political front is open. Reaching 5% for Italy at the moment is "impossible", Crosetto reiterated without mincing words, leaving the door open to the double trajectory outlined by Rutte that could be reached "by 2035", the same horizon indicated by London. To facilitate alignment, recourse to the safeguard clause of the EU Stability Pact remains an option. The Minister of the Economy, Giancarlo Giorgetti, "has not yet made a final decision," explained Crosetto, leaving open a glimmer of hope even though the red line already drawn by the League excludes budget deviations for the defence cause. To date, there are sixteen EU member states that have requested the activation of the national safeguard clause, a preparatory step to the request for loans from the Safe programme, intended to finance defence investments. However, three of the largest EU countries are missing from the list: in addition to Italy, France and Spain.

Tajani: Strait Bridge can be spent on defence

In all this, the consideration expressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Antonio Tajani, did not go unnoticed. The Strait Bridge, he explained, can be considered a defence expenditure. 'In my opinion yes, because,' he said on the sidelines of the Italy-India Business Forum, 'the infrastructure system is fundamental to guarantee the security of citizens first and foremost. Sicily is in the middle of the Mediterranean, there are important NATO bases, certainly having a more efficient infrastructure system that unites Sicily with the rest of Europe also means strengthening security. This is what I think, then we have to discuss it with our interlocutors, the game is open and we will also put forward our ideas'. Tajani also linked the issue of rearmament that the Atlantic Alliance is clamouring for with the negotiations on tariffs between the EU and the US. 'We,' he said, 'are willing to increase spending on our security, but we must also negotiate on the content and see. Of course, if the Americans are rightly asking to increase military spending for Europe's security, the choice of imposing tariffs becomes contradictory'. The countdown to an agreement on both fronts has started. And the square is not easy to find.

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