Fires, stories and conscience. This is how our sense of justice is born
8' min read
Key points
8' min read
At the heart of our ability to cooperate, to build institutions, to trust others, there is something that precedes law and politics and underpins social and economic life like an invisible infrastructure: it is our sense of justice.
Anthropologist Christopher Boehm explores the origin of this infrastructure and our moral capacities in the final part of his Moral Origins. The Evolution of Virtue, Altruism, and Shame (2012). Underlying his account is the idea that morality is not only a product of our genes, but also a cultural product, the result of continuous learning that develops over time and social space and is passed on to subsequent generations through various mechanisms of intergenerational transmission. Boehm starts from a fundamental observation: in small hunter-gatherer societies, survival depended on the ability to do things together, to trust each other, to cooperate. Even on a small scale, however, cooperation between non-genetically related individuals is always fragile because it is vulnerable to the problem of opportunism. In fact, the action of even a few free-riders, i.e. subjects who enjoy the benefits of the efforts of the other group members without doing their part, is enough to undermine the cooperation dynamic. To reduce this risk, the first small societies began to develop control mechanisms to discourage anti-social behaviour, based on blame and exclusion. However, these mechanisms alone are not enough if their function is not internalised through adherence to a moral code. Moral learning was essential to maintain group cohesion and repress selfish behaviour. This learning was and still is based not only on cognitive processes, but also on emotional ones. Associating certain behaviours with certain emotions is what makes the learning and internalisation of moral norms possible, even as children.
Narrative, emotion and moral learning
.One of the most fascinating aspects of Boehm's account is his analysis of the role of oral narratives in the transmission of values. Stories - myths, anecdotes, life stories - not only serve to entertain, but also help to shape the behaviour of the young. Through stories, in fact, group members learn what is right and what is wrong, which characteristics a role model possesses and which ones a transgressor. And this also happens through the anticipation of the different fates that await the characters in the stories: the heroes will be praised, honoured and remembered while the traitors will be punished, humiliated and soon forgotten. "Storytelling is a powerful medium," Boehm writes, "for transmitting moral standards. Through stories, children learn who the heroes and villains are, and the consequences of moral and immoral behaviour' (p. 230). In support of this thesis, he cites numerous cases of peoples such as the Ju/'hoansi of the Kalahari, the Mbuti of the Congo and the Navajo, where stories of punished offenders or rewarded virtuous individuals are used to reinforce the effectiveness of shared norms. In these societies, storytelling is not a marginal activity, but a central pedagogical device in community life and youth education. An emblematic example is the Kung, where tales around the fire often include episodes of 'arrogance punished' or 'generosity rewarded'. These tales teach the importance of respecting norms, but they do so by arousing strong and vivid moral emotions such as indignation and admiration, emotions that facilitate the learning of norms and their internalisation.
Social Selection and the Evolution of Consciousness
.But what mechanism guided the development and intergenerational transmission of certain norms and not others? Boehm proposes an original theory, that of 'social selection'. In environments where reputation matters, being perceived as altruistic and cooperative increases the likelihood of survival. In contrast, free riders - those who profit without contributing - are punished or excluded. "Social selection favoured individuals who internalised group norms and could be trusted to behave prosocially even when not observed," writes the anthropologist. This evolutionary pressure led to the emergence of a moral conscience, that is, the ability to anticipate the judgement of others and to regulate one's own behaviour according to informal, shared norms. Adam Smith wrote in his Theory of Moral Sentiments about the internalisation of norms: 'Just as we cannot always be satisfied only with being admired, unless we are at the same time persuaded that we are in some degree worthy of admiration, so we cannot always be satisfied only with being believed, unless we are at the same time conscious that we are really worthy of credit. Just as the desire to be praised and the desire to be worthy of praise, although very similar, are nevertheless two distinct and separate desires, so the desire to be believed and the desire to be worthy of credit, although also very similar, are likewise distinct and separate desires. We do not just want to be praised, we want above all, Smith tells us, to know that we are worthy of that praise.
Shame, in this context, becomes an adaptive mechanism. Boehm writes: 'Shame is a particularly effective internal sanction, often more powerful than external punishment in regulating behaviour' (p. 231). It is not an innate consciousness, but developed and reinforced through social interaction. It is the result of an intergenerational learning process in which moral emotions are cultivated and reinforced over time.


