Mind the economy

Frederick Taylor, Burrhus Skinner and the economics that charm snakes

8' min read

8' min read

Gregory Mankiw's Principles of Economics, published this year in its tenth edition, is probably the most widely used economics textbook in the world. In the introduction, the Harvard economist lists what he sees as the ten core principles of the modern economic approach. Among them, the fourth principle says 'People respond to incentives'.

Some have gone further. Steven Landsburg, for example, writes in his The Armchair Economist that 'The bulk of economics can be summed up in four words: people respond to incentives'. Mankiw and Landsburg are, after all, in good company. Chicago economist Canice Prendergast states that incentives are the very essence of economics ('The Provision of Incentives in Firms. Journal of Economic Literature 37(1), 1999, pp. 7-63). But the most radical position in this regard is probably the one expressed by Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner on page one of their megaseller Freakonomics (Sperling & Kupfer, 2010) where we read that "incentives are the cornerstone of modern societies". But what do these statements mean? "An incentive," writes Mankiw, "is something that induces a person to act, (...) the prospect of punishment or reward. Because rational people make decisions by comparing costs and benefits, they respond to incentives'. The prospect of punishment or reward, therefore, are the tools we can use to bring about behavioural changes in others. To get them to do what they would otherwise be unwilling to do or to stop them from doing what they would like, instead, to do. Incentives are instruments of control and the exercise of power.

Loading...

An additional tax on cigarettes pushes people to smoke less because it alters the cost-benefit ratio of that choice, disincentivising it. A subsidy, on the other hand, reducing, for example, the price of electric cars promotes their purchase. If we want to discourage the consumption of fizzy and sugary drinks we can increase their price through a tax, and if we want to induce workers to work harder than they would normally, we can promise, for example, productivity bonuses.

It has long been known that the effects of incentives can have strange and unexpected effects. In the United States in 1968 it became compulsory to install seat belts in all cars and gradually all states legislated on the subject. What were the effects of this legislation that penalised driving without a seat belt? Of course seat belt use makes it less likely that people will be injured or killed in a car accident, but at the same time, so the data tells us, it also makes accidents themselves more likely. The increased sense of security that comes from wearing a seat belt prompts many drivers to drive less carefully and this leads to more accidents. This is the so-called 'Peltzman effect', named after the economist who first studied the phenomenon (Peltzman, S., 'The Effects of Automobile Safety Regulation. Journal of Political Economy. 83(4), 1975, pp. 677-726).

In addition to regulations introducing prohibitions and sanctions, taxation is of course also a powerful incentive instrument. And even this instrument can generate side effects. The houses built along the canals in Amsterdam, like those in Venice, rest on piles driven into the seabed. To reduce construction costs, the citizens of Amsterdam often reduced the number of supporting piles by building houses that, in the long run, proved to be unstable and dangerous. In order to eliminate this phenomenon, the state obliged owners to only use authorised builders. To cover the costs of this new service, a tax was introduced that increased in proportion to the surface area of the house. But as people responded to the incentives, in order to reduce the cost associated with the new tax, people started to build narrower and taller houses. Those characteristic houses that we still sell today overlook the picturesque canals of the Dutch city.

Today, the use of incentives is ubiquitous. They really seem to have become, as Dubner and Levitt argue, the cornerstone of our societies. A use that in many ways has even become alarming. Philosopher Ruth Grant is convinced of this and gives us a few examples: "The state of West Virginia pays married couples a $100 a month subsidy, financed by a federal programme to promote marriage. The US government authorises tax deductions for those who do charity work. Companies pay schools to install soda machines or televisions in canteens.

Schools pay students when they get good grades. South Carolina lawmakers discuss a proposal to reduce prison sentences for inmates who donate organs. A soup kitchen only feeds the homeless if they first attend a church service. One state discusses the possibility of paying poor women $1,000 to have their tubes tied, and others debate whether social assistance should be conditional on the use of contraceptives. These are all real examples and this list,' Grant concludes, 'could go on and on' (Strings attached: Untangling the Ethics of Incentives. Princeton University Press 2011). This use and even abuse of different forms of incentives is certainly not new in history. Just think of the origin of the term itself. 'Incentivus' in Latin originally meant those sounds, the singing, the blowing of a trumpet, that were used in battle to incite troops to charge. To make soldiers do something they would certainly rather not do: go and die. Incentive is also the sound of the snake charmer or the legendary piper of Hamelin who, in revenge against the inhabitants of that village, kidnapped all their children with the bewitching sound of his instrument.
For centuries, the word 'incentive' has meant 'to incite or excite to feeling or action'. However, things changed at a certain point and incentives became the subject of scientific analysis. One of the main protagonists of this change is Frederick Winslow Taylor.

But let us take a step back and try to understand who Taylor was, what the problems were that beset him and where he went to find the answers he needed. At the basis of this revolution we find a simple question: "How many tons of pig iron can a worker load onto a railway wagon in the course of a day?". It was 1899 and engineer Taylor at the time was offering his consulting services to the Bethlehem Steel Company in Philadelphia. The company had a problem. The bosses were convinced that their workers had colluded to solder, that is, to slow down industrial production through obstructive practices. It is 'the worst evil afflicting workers today in both England and America,' Taylor wrote at the time. Average productivity figures underestimated the true potential of those workers, according to company management. The young engineer then armed himself with a stopwatch and set up an experiment. He involved ten workers, "ten big, powerful Hungarians" whom he asked to load as much cast iron as they were able to place on the wagons. They did their best to impress him, loading sixteen tons in a quarter of an hour. Multiplying that figure by the duration of an entire working day gave a total of about sixty-five tonnes per person. Taylor did some calculations and including time for lunch breaks, toilet breaks and taking into account the effect of fatigue came up with a reasonable estimate of a target of forty-six tonnes per person per day. That was the measure assigned to all workers in the plant. This target was incentivised through a bonus of seventy cents per day that would go to everyone who reached it. For the others, there were penalties.

In this way, 'scientific management' was born. Taylor had asked himself a fundamental question: how was it possible to align originally conflicting interests? The naturally conflicting demands of workers and enterprise? How could workers be induced to do something they would otherwise not want to do?

In history, traditional solutions to this problem have generally had to do with either the use of force or persuasion. Taylor suggests pursuing another route, and he will set the standard. For as Canice Prendergast reminds us, economic theory has come up with "a multitude of mechanisms that can be used to induce workers to act in the interests of their employers. These include piecework, options, discretionary bonuses, profit-sharing, efficiency wages, deferred compensation, and many others' (1999, p. 7).

After these early experiences and ups and downs, which also got Taylor into some trouble, the scientific approach to management found legitimacy and success when it encountered the new behavioural psychology that was beginning to take hold in the United States in the same years. That is, when management engineering married the behaviourist psychology of John Watson and Burrhus Skinner. If Taylor's problem was to convince millions of rural workers that their best interests coincide with those of the factory where they now work, the best answer comes from 'behaviourism' for which the role of the psychologist is to 'control human reactions, just as a physicist wants to control and manipulate other natural phenomena'.

The most powerful tool in this regard is found in the technique of 'operant conditioning' theorised by Skinner. He is convinced that not only do organisms react to environmental stimuli, as Ivan Pavlov had already demonstrated, but once we learn the link between behaviour and stimuli, we are all driven to perform certain behaviours because we know that they will be followed by certain stimuli. If the pigeon learns that pressing a certain lever in the 'Skinner box' releases food, whenever it is hungry it will decide to press that same lever. Food thus becomes a 'reinforcing stimulus'. By using these stimuli, modifying them and engineering them properly, it is possible to induce organisms to perform the desired behaviour. By varying the stimuli and conditioning them to certain behaviours, it will then be possible to obtain those modifications necessary to transform even former peasants, originally unsuitable for factory work, into workers perfectly integrated into an assembly line that provides new forms of coordination and cooperation.

The analogy between reinforcing stimuli and incentives, in this sense, is direct: salary, compensation, bonuses, rewards, social approval are nothing but tools used to increase the frequency of certain otherwise unwanted behaviour. Symmetrically, sanctions, fines, penalties, social disapproval are the means used to disincentivise certain other behaviours.
Taylorism and behaviourism were in all probability the two cultural movements that contributed most to shaping our current view of work and its systematic organisation. Skinner's studies on operant conditioning and the programming of reinforcing stimuli had a major impact on our understanding of workers' behaviour and the dynamics of their motivation. His ideas strongly influenced the development of many classic corporate strategies: from incentive schemes to employee training programmes. Applying the principles of Skinnerian behaviourism, many organisations have sought to model and reinforce desirable employee behaviours to improve performance and foster the achievement of expected results.

Incentives, precisely because of their ability to induce behavioural changes, are powerful tools, but they are also difficult to control. They can generate side effects, hidden costs and even prove counterproductive by prompting us to do the exact opposite for which they were intended. Understanding how they work, the power structures in which they are embedded, and both the economic and psychological mechanisms they activate, is therefore of fundamental importance in several areas: the political, the social and the economic. We will deal with this at length in the coming weeks here on Mind the Economy.

Copyright reserved ©
Loading...

Brand connect

Loading...

Newsletter

Notizie e approfondimenti sugli avvenimenti politici, economici e finanziari.

Iscriviti