Agreements&Investments

Gas and hydrogen, the EU countries' race for Africa's energy

More than two years after the outbreak of war in Ukraine, European governments remain in search of energy supplies. For some, Rome in the lead, the first choice is on the Continent

by Alberto Magnani (Il Sole 24 Ore, Italy) and Marcos Lema (El Confidencial)

La presidente del Consiglio Giorgia Meloni con  il primo ministro del Governo di Unità Nazionale libico, Dabaiba. Tripoli, maggio 2024. (AGF)

4' min read

4' min read

The ambition of the Mattei Plan, one of the clou policies for Giorgia Meloni's government, is to 'change the paradigm' of relations with African countries. In theory, the collaboration should extend over the five pillars of education, health, agriculture, water and energy. In fact, it is no mystery that the attention and the initiatives signed focus mainly on the last item: energy supplies, a need that has become an increasing priority after the break in relations with Vladimir Putin's Russia and the search for partners outside the old axis with Moscow.

The Italian choice is far from isolated. The aftermath of the conflict in Ukraine and the urgent need for ever greater and more differentiated supplies have fuelled a race for agreements between EU countries and African governments, in a range of interlocutors and production lines that goes from gas imported from Libya to Italy to investments by Germany or the Netherlands in the green hydrogen potential offered by countries such as South Africa and Namibia in southern Africa or Mauritania in western Africa. All this while the same EU summits are attempting to strengthen the ties between the European Union and the African Union, always on the footing of an 'equal' relationship that rests on the global gateway: the maxi-response plan to China's Silk Road, the Belt and Road initiative, with a package of 150 of the total 300 billion euro earmarked for Africa alone.

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From Italy to Germany, the African energy race

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Frans Timmermans, at the time Vice-President of the European Commission, referred to Africa as 'probably' the biggest energy partner for the EU. Timmermans was only referring to the renewables segment, but the scenario seems to apply also - or especially - to hydrocarbons. One of the bridgeheads is Italy, even before the governmental advent of Meloni's right-wing majority. The rift with Putin's Russia, a crucial energy supplier for Rome, gave the go-ahead for a series of diplomatic missions led first by the tandem of then-Foreign Minister Luigi Di Maio and Eni Group CEO Claudio Descalzi and then by representatives of the Meloni executive.

The results are tangible: at the beginning of 2024, '71% of Italian imports from the African continent were energy products and Africa was Italy's leading energy partner in 2023,' reads a note from Ecco, an Italian think tank. The flow has strengthened with the outbreak of war in Ukraine and the search for a new supplier country. According to estimates by the European council of foreign relations (Ecfr), a think tank, Italy signed 21 bilateral agreements between March 2022 and October 2023 alone. Those signed with African counterparts number 12, divided between Benin, Egypt, the Republic of Congo, Mozambique (one agreement each), Angola (two). Algeria and Libya (three each, including the $8 billion maxi-agreement with Tripoli). In eight cases, natural gas deals are mentioned, even some agreements include some 'clean energy' component in the structure.

Other European countries are also moving along the trajectory consecrated by Timmermans, with some 35 agreements signed in Africa out of the 180 surveyed by Ecfr from 2022 to date. The most visible - or declared - interest of other EU governments is on hydrogen and green energy in general. Olaf Scholz's Germany has announced the equivalent of EUR 4 billion in 'green energy' investments, as well as securing specific deals such as a hydrogen agreement with South Africa and or a EUR 500 million 'pact' on renewables with Nigeria, a giant best known for its crude oil production. The Netherlands signed an intergovernmental agreement with South Africa, again on the development of the hydrogen industry.

The Spanish approach

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Spain offers a completely different situation from that of its European partners. Its exceptional regasification capacity - one third of the European Union's total - and limited interconnection with the rest of the continent meant that, even before the war, its gas suppliers were very diverse and Russia accounted for only about 10% of its total imports. There was therefore no need for a major change in the mix to compensate for a 'loss' that is not even a 'loss': the arrival of Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) in Spanish ports continued.

The main historical supplier, Algeria, has been in a tense situation with Spain since spring 2022, when Pedro Sánchez's government revised its position on Western Sahara and chose to support Morocco's autonomy proposal. The diplomatic situation has improved but in recent years there has been a significant drop in flows, also influenced by the closure of one of the two gas pipelines connecting the two Mediterranean countries: the so-called Maghreb-Europe, which stopped pumping in the autumn of 2021 due to the refusal of Morocco, Algeria's archenemy, to allow gas to pass through its territory on its way to Spain.

Even at the most critical times, Algiers has always fulfilled its supply commitments, managed through the state-owned company (Sonatrach). It has a contract with the Spanish company Naturgy that will only expire in 2032. After the war in Ukraine, the new agreements merely revised prices to bring them in line with the increase triggered by the energy crisis.

In summary: Spain, instead of relying more on Africa than before the war in Ukraine, now relies less and no new contracts have been signed. Supplies from Algeria fell from 42.7 per cent of total supply in 2021 to 29.2 per cent in 2023, according to the annual report of Enagás, the technical operator of the system. The rest of the African countries play an anecdotal role, with the exception of Nigeria, but gas arrivals from this country respond more to contracts to supply liquefied natural gas through private companies than to a state policy to guarantee supply.

*This article is part of the Pulse project and was written by Alberto Magnani (Il Sole 24 Ore, Italy) and Marcos Lema (El Confidencial, Spain).

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  • Alberto Magnani

    Alberto MagnaniCorrispondente

    Luogo: Nairobi

    Lingue parlate: inglese, tedesco

    Argomenti: Lavoro, Unione europea, Africa

    Premi: Premio "Alimentiamo il nostro futuro, nutriamo il mondo. Verso Expo 2015" di Agrofarma Federchimica e Fondazione Veronesi; Premio giornalistico State Street, categoria "Innovation"

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