Relations with Italy

Makhzoumi: “Lebanon must become a gas producer and, above all, an energy supplier”

Interview with politician and business magnate Fouad Makhzoumi. “The deep state still controls the country today. If we manage to restore the state’s control over the territory, ensuring that only the state is armed and not the militias, then we can start thinking about development.” Ideas and suggestions for involving Lebanon in the reconstruction of Syria and “to carve out a role within the framework of the new energy routes”.

Fouad Makhzoumi. ANSA/MATTEO BAZZI/CRI ANSA

6' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

6' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

24OreNextMed interviewed Fouad Makhzoumi, the Lebanese MP and billionaire who made his fortune in the fibreglass piping sector, transforming a small local start-up into a global giant. He entered politics in Lebanon as an outsider to help shape the country’s future. In particular, to overcome what he sees as the most significant obstacle to Lebanon’s economic development: the existence of the deep state. An expert in the energy sector in the eastern Mediterranean, he offers his perspective on the future of the region and the opportunities for Italian entrepreneurship in the MENA region.

In a recent opinion piece you published for The Economist, you outline a plan to regain control of Beirut, which includes not only reconstruction but also the country’s economic development. Could you explain what that would entail?

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‘In Lebanon, the “deep state” came into being at the time of our independence in 1943 and still holds control over the country. The problem is the political cover it uses: first there was the issue of Palestine, then Syria, and now Hezbollah. The central idea is to promote the development of the poorest parts of the country (the east, on the border with Syria, the north and the south). Little has been invested in these areas to promote their development. Geography determines the geopolitics of every country. One cannot live in a nation where most of its borders are areas of conflict. If we manage to restore the state’s control over the entire territory, ensuring that only the state is armed and not the militias, it will be the task of the institutions to take responsibility for promoting development, not just reconstruction. Reconstruction plans are devised on the assumption that what is built will be destroyed again after a few years, whereas genuine development means that the state invests in and builds roads, schools, hospitals, and water and energy networks. This approach would foster a sense of attachment to their homeland amongst the population, but with their loyalty directed towards the state rather than towards Hezbollah or other political parties – a phenomenon that has, in fact, prevailed in Lebanon for many years. Until now, the government has been forced by the ‘deep state’ to fund political parties, allowing them to retain control of their municipalities and areas.”

After meeting the President of Lebanon, Joseph Aoun (6 July 2026), she stated that the framework agreement between Israel and Lebanon represents a historic opportunity to restore the state’s sovereignty. What impact did the current war (in which Lebanon became involved at the behest of Hezbollah, not as a result of a decision by the state) on 2 March have on the maritime agreements signed by Lebanon and Israel in 2022, and what do you expect for the future?

“Back in 2015, I invited Amos Hochstein to Lebanon to speak at a conference I had organised, which focused on Lebanon’s aim of becoming a gas-producing country. But at that time, before President Biden appointed him as the White House’s special envoy for the Middle East, Hochstein made it clear that all the indicators point to the presence of gas fields, but if no peace agreement were reached in the region, it would be very difficult for companies to begin extracting gas for commercial purposes. Because no major company would invest in a conflict zone. Referring to the latest report from a few years ago, we do not know, for example, whether Total would have found gas had it continued its exploration. However, I believe there is a high probability of gas deposits, as we have seen in Cyprus and Israel. We are in the same basin, so I believe there is gas in Lebanon too, but unless we achieve peace first, I doubt the country will ever see oil or gas production.”

Throughout his business career, having founded Future Pipe Industries, a member of the Trilateral Commission, and having founded the National Dialogue Party, you embody the image of a self-made man, but when you entered the political arena in Lebanon, you were considered an outsider. What economic benefits and opportunities do you believe Lebanon might gain from the current reconstruction of Syria? 

“The company I founded is now present on five continents and is one of the world’s largest firms in the sector, with production facilities in thirteen countries, and it is constantly expanding. After losing my son, in 2014 my three granddaughters asked me if I wanted them to return to Lebanon. At the time, I told them no because, given the way Lebanon was being run, I didn’t see it as a viable option for young people. Then I realised that you cannot prevent people from returning to their country; times change, and over the years Lebanon has always experienced change as a constant. And for this reason, I decided to enter politics in 2018 and was elected in my constituency. From my experience as an entrepreneur in various countries around the world, I have come to understand that Lebanon’s problems are similar to those of many other countries. Except that here there is a lack of political will, due to the ‘deep state’ which prevents change from taking root, because those who are part of the system benefit from the status quo. And I am not referring solely to Hezbollah; they are a militia that protects the mafia, which cuts across and is present in all the country’s sectarian divisions and within most of the political class. The only way to change things is to bring about change from within. We set about immediately by bringing together a group of MPs to launch the necessary financial reforms for the country. When the time came to elect the Prime Minister [who, according to constitutional custom, is Sunni], I was one of the three candidates. But I decided to withdraw in order to support the current Prime Minister, Nawaf Salam, thereby blocking the possible election of Najib Mikati, which would have handed control to Hezbollah. As for Lebanon and Syria, there are historical and economic ties that bind us. The current reconstruction of Syria, now led by President Al-Shaara, could certainly be supported by Lebanon [thereby also benefiting Lebanon]. However, to do this, Lebanon must first sign a peace agreement with Israel so that it can participate in the reconstruction of Syria first, and then Iraq. But we must change our tax regime for offshore companies in order to attract their investments. On this basis, I believe that Lebanon could be a major beneficiary of the reconstruction process in Syria.”

In the eastern Mediterranean, a not-so-silent competition is underway to secure energy resources, and this was already the case even before the war and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. How do you view the strategic shift currently taking place with regard to water and energy resources in the eastern Mediterranean?

‘When the United States was still a net importer of energy, it was essential to be involved in global energy production. Today, however, as the United States is a net exporter of energy, energy supply is more important than production. Today, those who ensure the supply of energy benefit most from the situation. For example, the corridor through Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan has now become extremely important for connecting South-East Asia with China and India. By building pipelines – the least costly way to supply energy – the Strait of Hormuz becomes less crucial than it is today. Admittedly, the construction of pipelines involves a significant investment, but it would shield the entire region from geopolitical conflicts in terms of energy security. In the 1970s, there was discussion of a project to build an Arabian Gulf corridor that was to run the entire length of the region as far as the Red Sea or as far as Lebanon and Syria. Meanwhile, in the 1950s, there were two historic oil pipeline networks extending as far as northern and southern Lebanon (where there were refineries at the time). If we could do the same today with Iraq, offering them a better solution than Tartus, I believe the Iraqis would look to Lebanon as a port for the arrival of pipelines and perhaps even for refining. These are some examples of how oil producers in the eastern Mediterranean might view Lebanon as a base for exports and a transition point for the future.”

What role do you envisage for Italian businesses in Lebanon, and in which sectors might there be opportunities that benefit both countries?

‘Historically, Italia has been Lebanon’s second or third largest trading partner. We work extensively with Italian engineering firms and with your suppliers of industrial components (I am not referring to consumer products). Italia still has an advantage over other countries, but to derive greater benefit from it, it should broaden its perspective on how to capitalise on this advantage. I believe Prime Minister Meloni is very focused on these aspects. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs could show greater understanding of the situation. Italia is held in high regard in our region – there is real potential – let’s see what we can achieve together.’

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