Regulations

LGBTQ+ rights: the role of court rulings in the ongoing dispute between Italia and the EU

From the law against homotransphobia to family law, the Italian legislature is failing to tackle the key issues required to establish a regulatory framework consistent with EU policies

by Monica D'Ascenzo

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

They were attacked and beaten by a group of young people, believed to be under-18s. The violence suffered by a transgender couple took place in Labico on the night of 6–7 June. This is just one of hundreds of incidents recorded from Treviso to Caserta. The 2026 Homophobic, Lesbophobic and Transphobic Report, published by Arcigay, records 127 incidents of violence, discrimination and hate directed against LGBTQIA+ individuals, organisations and symbols, as reported by the Italian media over the last twelve months. However, these are only the incidents that have made the news. The number of unreported cases – due to fear of reporting the incident, public exposure, or family or professional reprisals – is structurally much higher. In Italia, there is no specific law penalising crimes or hate speech motivated by sexual orientation or gender identity. Attempts to address this gap through draft legislation, such as the Zan bill, have been approved by the Chamber of Deputies but subsequently rejected by the Senate.

However, impetus in this direction is coming from Europe, as is often the case with LGBTQ+ rights: in May, the European Parliament gave the green light to new EU rules to strengthen the protection of victims of crime, with specific safeguards for those who have suffered sexual violence or crimes linked to sexual orientation, gender identity or disability. The Victims’ Rights Directive, approved in plenary in Strasbourg with 440 votes in favour, 49 against and 84 abstentions, also introduces certain safeguards that had been provided for in Italia’s Zan bill. The text must now be formally adopted by the EU Council. Member States will then have two years to transpose it into their respective national laws.

Loading...

The Italian regulatory framework

More generally, the situation in Italia from 2020 to the present can be summarised as follows: no major legislative reforms and no parliamentary debate that has resulted in a vote. Yet, looking at the period 2020–2026, the landscape of LGBTQ+ rights in Italia appears to have changed profoundly compared with six years ago. It has not been the legislature – which has remained largely inactive – that has reshaped this landscape, but rather a combination of rulings by the Constitutional Court, European case law and regulatory impetus from Brussels. The result is a system of legal protections that is advancing through the courts, with all the limitations on its coherence that this entails, but also with a dogmatic solidity that is unlikely to be undermined.

Until a few years ago, the Italian legal framework remained essentially that set out in Law 76 of 2016. The so-called Cirinnà Law introduced civil partnerships for same-sex couples, recognising a range of property, inheritance and care rights, but deliberately stopping short of full equivalence with marriage and leaving the most sensitive issue unresolved: parenthood. The gap was evident, and the national and European courts have set about filling it, piece by piece.

The Constitutional Court: a substitute legislator

The supplementary role played by the Constitutional Court is the most significant development of this period. Judgments 32 and 33 of 2021 had already paved the way, clearly stating that sexual orientation does not affect parental suitability and referring to Articles 2, 3 and 30 of the Constitution, together with the principle of the best interests of the child, derived from Article 8 of the ECHR and Article 24 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

But it was 2025 that marked the real turning point. In last year’s Judgment No. 68, the Court declared Article 8 of Law No. 40 of 2004 to be unlawful insofar as it excluded the recognition of the intended mother in cases of medically assisted reproduction carried out abroad. This decision carries extraordinary weight: it bases the recognition of the parental bond not on biology, but on responsible consent to medically assisted reproduction, significantly reducing the need to resort to adoption in specific cases. The latter is a measure deemed by many legal experts to be insufficient and discriminatory. Furthermore, the reference to Article 30 of the Constitution and Article 24 of the EU Charter signals an ever-closer integration between domestic constitutional law and European standards.

Also in 2025, the Supreme Court ruled on a labour law issue, declaring that the exclusion of non-biological mothers from compulsory paternity leave was unconstitutional. The ruling is based on Articles 3 and 37 of the Constitution: the protection of family ties cannot depend on the parent’s gender.

The year 2026 then saw two rulings of considerable systemic significance. In Judgment No. 91 of this year, the Constitutional Court recognised the right to a survivor’s pension for the surviving partner in a same-sex union contracted abroad, overturning an exclusion rooted in legislation dating back to 1939 and which, anachronistically, withstanding constitutional review. In Judgment 7/2026, on the other hand, it was reaffirmed that, within the Italian constitutional order, the family is not a monolithic concept: stable de facto partnerships are fully included amongst the social units protected by Article 2 of the Constitution.

Europe: rules, strategies and case law

European law has provided both the regulatory impetus and the interpretative framework used by the Constitutional Court. The LGBTIQ Equality Strategy 2020–2025 adopted by the European Commission represented the Union’s first comprehensive public policy framework on this issue: not a binding directive, but a policy communication that guided subsequent legislative initiatives and set the direction for future action.

From a case-law perspective, the key reference point is the 2021 judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning a case brought by Bulgaria: a Member State must recognise parentage legally established in another EU Member State for the purposes of exercising rights relating to European citizenship and freedom of movement. This principle was further consolidated in 2025 and 2026, when the Court reiterated that a refusal to recognise validly acquired family status may constitute a breach of EU law, with an important clarification: recognition does not oblige Member States to introduce same-sex marriage, but it does require the continuity of the legal effects of statuses already acquired.

Between 2022 and 2024, the Commission had also put forward a proposal for a regulation on the automatic recognition of parentage between Member States, a measure designed to prevent the children of same-sex couples from losing recognition of one of their parents when moving between EU countries. Finally, in 2025, a legislative proposal was also put forward to ban ‘conversion therapies’, which are considered contrary to human dignity and Articles 1 and 3 of the Charter.

The unresolved issue: Parliament’s silence

Lurking in the background is an issue that no court ruling can resolve once and for all: the lack of comprehensive legislative action. The system that has emerged between 2020 and 2026 is the result of a layered body of case law, in which rights are recognised on a case-by-case basis, subject to the timescales and limitations of legal proceedings. There is no unified legislative framework that clearly establishes who the parents are, how parentage is established, and what rights are due to same-sex couples and their families. More generally, however, there is a lack of initiatives in the area of family law, such as legislation on the mother’s surname following the Constitutional Court’s ruling in 2022.

Diritti Civili, Grillini: "Forte rischio di fare passi indietro, come negli Usa di Trump"

The paradox is that, in the absence of legislation, Italia has in recent years developed one of the most advanced bodies of constitutional case law in Europe on these issues. This is a significant achievement, but one that cannot replace the legal certainty that only legislation can guarantee. Brussels continues to push for harmonisation. The courts continue to fill the gaps. The legislature, for now, is standing by and watching.

Copyright reserved ©
Loading...

Brand connect

Loading...

Newsletter

Notizie e approfondimenti sugli avvenimenti politici, economici e finanziari.

Iscriviti