Mind the Economy

The power of leaders, the strength of institutions

The power of political leaders and the importance of institutions in the economic development of countries

(Adobe Stock)

7' min read

7' min read

What is the impact of rulers on the destinies of their countries? How much can a single individual, a head of state, influence the fate of a nation? Especially since politics has become a matter of personalities rather than ideologies, and strong leaders such as Trump, Putin, Erdoğan, Xi Jinping, Meloni herself, have stolen the thunder from the party apparatus, this question takes on crucial importance for understanding the dynamics of power and contemporary politics. A question to which, of course, it is very complicated to find an unambiguous answer. For some time now, scholars such as Nobel Prize winners Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James Robinson have been trying to answer it. They argue that, in the long run, it is institutions and not individual leaders that are the primary engine of development. According to their perspective, the fate of nations depends not so much on the individual qualities of the ruling class, but on 'inclusive institutions', i.e. those capable of ensuring participation, property rights, the right incentives and lasting political stability. Others, however, such as Benjamin Jones and Benjamin Olken have shown that the sudden death of a head of state can have measurable effects on economic growth, argue for the pre-eminent role of the leader. However, from a methodological point of view, the results of this research are negatively influenced by the difficulty of identifying the causal effect. Indeed, leaders are chosen, or self-imposed, and these processes of self-selection, as statisticians explain, make it difficult to distinguish the effect of individual characteristics from that of the environment in which leaders operate. Put another way, it is impossible to tell whether the best leaders, with their policies, have been able to bring about phases of expansion or, simply, in favourable phases of the economic cycle, better leaders are more likely to be selected.

A recent study just published in Econometrica addresses and attempts to solve this problem through a novel technique. In their paper "History's Masters. The Effect of European Monarchs on State Performance', Sebastian Ottinger and Nico Voigtländer focus on the issue of the personalisation of political power. To begin with, they distinguish between strongly institution-bound systems, in which leaders have little room for manoeuvre, and leaderist systems, in which the collective destiny depends to a large extent on the leader's abilities, or incapabilities. Their 'laboratory' consists of 339 kingdoms that flourished between the 10th and 18th centuries in 13 European states. A laboratory crowded with dynasties, monarchs, wars of expansion and colonisation, epidemics and revolutions.

Loading...

The inbreedingas a natural experiment

The methodological innovation that allows Ottinger and Voigtländer to brilliantly address the problem of causality is to use dynastic inbreeding, consanguinity, as a variable to exogenously identify the ability of kings.

As inbreeding was common practice in European dynasties, it is possible to calculate a coefficient of consanguinity (inbreeding) for each monarch. Higher values indicate a high level of endogamy, i.e. a higher number of consanguineous ancestors from intermarriages between related individuals. And it is known that the higher the level of endogamy, the greater the likelihood of cognitive and physical deficits, and thus a reduced ability to lead. In this way, the family tree becomes a tool that allows us to identify the causal effect. The leader's ability is no longer attributable to the historical context alone, but derives, in a quantifiable manner, from genetic factors independent of the institutional context.

Leaders matter, but if no one controls them

The data collected in the study show that the leader's capabilities have, for better or worse, a major impact on the growth of the state's territories and its urban population. This means more or less innovation, infrastructure and ultimately tangible consequences on economic prosperity. The effects are quantitatively relevant and are consistent across state comparisons. This is true but not always. In fact, and this is one of the central messages of the study, such effects disappear whenever the power of the monarch is limited by the presence of controlling institutions such as an active and well-functioning parliament or other forms of constitutional constraints. In all these cases, the total effect of the leader's cognitive abilities becomes statistically nil.

Historical cases

To bring these issues to life, Ottinger and Voigtländer build a gallery of particularly representative cases and personalities. The Prussia of Frederick William I and Frederick II is one of them. Characterised by major administrative reforms, strict fiscal discipline and remarkable military decisionism, it embodies the paper's main thesis: capable leaders, on the one hand, accelerate the rise of a state, but history itself shows that, in the long run, building resilient institutions reduces dependence on charismatic or fortunate individuals and the risks associated with their solitary choices.

Another particularly illuminating case is that of Spain and the decline of the Habsburgs. Charles II of Habsburg, the product of centuries of endogamous marriages, had an inbreeding coefficient of 25.36, comparable to that of brother and sister children. Half the value of the coefficient was due to the marriage of his parents, who were uncle and niece. Biographies describe Charles II as 'sick in body and mind', unable to choose and maintain ministers. The judgement of historian and biologist Frederick Adams Woods is lapidary: 'an imbecile' (Mental and Moral Heredity in Royalty: A Statistical Study in History and Psychology. H. Holt., 1906). With him as ruler, Spain sank into obscurity and, without heirs, the Habsburg dynasty saw its end. The change of lineage brings a radical change. Charles III of Bourbon has parents who are 'only' third cousins and his inbreeding coefficient is 3.9. Woods says of him that he is 'enlightened, efficient, just'. Spain flourishes. 'He was probably the most successful European ruler of his generation. He exercised firm, consistent and intelligent leadership,' writes Stanley Payne in his History of Spain and Portugal. With Charles III, finances improved, trade, agriculture and the arts developed. Two kings, same country, same institutions, same context but opposite outcomes. The abilities of the sovereign significantly affect, for better or worse, the fortunes of the state. But in more constrained institutional contexts, such as the England of the Glorious Revolution, the fate of the country depended much less on the monarch's ability and much more on Parliament.

Many lessons for the present

This journey through the biographies and genealogies of European rulers is above all an invitation to reflect on our contemporary times. While it is true that the most capable leaders of the past made a real impact on the destiny of states, expanding their territories and growing their urban populations, those with less talent, when not bound by strong institutions, brought their lineages and kingdoms to ruin.

The first message, then, that reaches us from that past concerns the persistence of the role of individual leadership. Ottinger and Voigtländer's data clearly show how a one standard deviation increase in the cognitive capacities of a ruler, in the absence of institutional constraints, led to an average territorial expansion of 14 per cent and urban growth of 16 per cent. These are numbers that cannot be dismissed easily, because behind those percentages lie cities founded or enlarged, trade routes charted, conflicts initiated or avoided. In other words, the quality of leadership has left tangible and lasting imprints on the European landscape. Today, even in more robust institutional contexts, we are still faced with political figures who can accelerate or slow down collective processes. An example for all is the way Nelson Mandela led South Africa towards national reconciliation. Similarly, we should never underestimate the possible catastrophic consequences of impulsive and divisive leaderships, especially if they operate in contexts where institutions of guarantee and control are weak.

A second message concerns the centrality of institutions as a counterweight to individual power. The data show how leaders stop 'making a difference' as soon as they operate in strong institutional contexts. What was true in the Middle Ages is even more true today: established democracies, a strong rule of law and regulated markets make the effects of the ability, or incompetence, of individual leaders less dramatic. However, the flip side of the coin is obvious. Where institutions are fragile or eroded, the quality of leaders again becomes decisive, for better or worse. How quickly collective destinies can depend on the personality and choices of a handful of men or women in charge.

A third message concerns the role of narratives and expectations. The historical scenarios outlined in Ottinger and Voigtländer's study are the result of a selection process among multiple possible equilibria. These 'multiple equilibria', as the economists explain, arise from the multiple choices that individuals make also on the basis of the expectations they form about what others will do. Just as a voter may change his or her vote out of fear that his or her candidate has no chance of winning, in the same way a leader may strengthen or weaken, through a particular narrative and rhetoric, collective trust in institutions, markets or the very future of a community. Here the link with the present is immediate: just think of Margareth Thatcher's 'TINA' (There Is No Alternative), which imposed a rhetoric capable of legitimising drastic cuts to the welfare state and changing the British and global political agenda, shifting the centre of gravity of the economic debate towards neo-liberalism, or the normalising effect of Mario Draghi's 'Whatever it Takes' in 2012, or the oscillations generated in the financial markets by Donald Trump's posts on tariffs.

Finally, there is a deeper message: the fate of peoples is played out in an imperfect synthesis between individual choices and the institutional structures within which those choices take place. Institutions matter, and a lot, but the quality of the people in charge is never irrelevant, especially when the structures are weak. And if in the Middle Ages this meant more land conquered or lost, today it means more or less political stability, more or less economic growth, more or less collective confidence in the future.

That is why it is increasingly necessary to ask ourselves how much the destinies of our societies should be left in the hands of leaders who may be exceptional but also appallingly mediocre. Or how much, instead, we should rely on robust and independent institutions, on L'esprit des lois and the sacrosanct division of powers.

The real strength of a democracy lies not in entrusting its destiny to a single man or woman in charge, but in building the institutional safety net that prevents an individual mistake from turning into a collective catastrophe.

Vittorio Pelligra is Professor of Economics (13/A2), Department of Economics and Business University of Cagliari .

pelligra@unica.it
https://www.unica.it/unica/en/ateneo_s07_ss01.page?contentId=SHD30687
https://vittoriopelligra.wordpress.com

Copyright reserved ©

Brand connect

Loading...

Newsletter

Notizie e approfondimenti sugli avvenimenti politici, economici e finanziari.

Iscriviti