Mind the Economy/Justice 112

The ritual and the rule: the hidden structures of human cooperation

Perhaps today many rituals are emptying of meaning, but certainly the deep need for meaning that once generated them has not disappeared

by Vittorio Pelligra

Un gruppo di studenti si unisce per incoraggiare e collaborare nella preparazione dell'esame per ottenere il massimo punteggio.

7' min read

7' min read

There is a thread that binds the ancient bands of Pleistocene hunters and gatherers to the more sophisticated contemporary social institutions. That thread is called cooperation, and its resilience depends on a simple yet fragile condition: that no one takes more than his due. That is, the costs and benefits of cooperation must be distributed according to a principle of justice.

A rather fragile foundation on which to base life together. Fragile because vulnerable to opportunism. The presence of a bully who can take everything or a free-rider who parasites the efforts of others is enough to discourage those who would be willing to cooperate from doing so. For why cooperate if the risk of being deprived of one's contribution outweighs the expected benefit? Cooperating ceases to be rational and the social system collapses. How did the human species learn to cooperate despite the threat of bullies and opportunists? This is the basic question that Australian philosopher Kim Sterelny addresses in his The Pleistocene Social Contract: Culture and Cooperation in Human Evolution (Oxford University Press, 2021). An issue that also has a very special relevance today.

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The evolution of the anti-bully

The great apes live in hierarchically structured groups in which, as Sterelny reminds us, 'aggression decreases as rank is lowered, while submission and fear, on the contrary, increase' (p. 56). These are groups in which access to resources and status is highly unequal. Whoever finds a juicy fruit or a piece of meat, if he occupies a lower place in the group hierarchy, knows for sure that that food will be taken away from him. In this context, it is pointless to invest in tools, technology or cooperation. Cooperation is not stable because its eventual fruits will be systematically plundered. "A bully," writes Sterelny, "can monopolise the entire profit of a cooperative enterprise" (p. 55).

Yet, at some point in our evolutionary history, things changed. Someone started to oppose such logic. A real evolutionary leap occurred when our ancestors learned to say 'no' to bullies. What happened? Three essential things: the invention of weapons, we learned to form alliances and we started to createshared moral rules.

The first two factors, the invention and development of weapons and the ability to form coalitions, introduce a profound novelty into the social equilibrium of those early hominid groups. Indeed, as Sterelny notes, 'Weapons have the power to make a coalition of individuals, even if physically weak, potentially lethal to the dominant alpha individual' (p. 62). It is a concept that Thomas Hobbes will take up in his Leviathan when he writes at the beginning of Chapter XII: 'Nature has made men so equal in the faculties of body and mind that, although one man is sometimes found manifestly stronger physically or of a more ready mind than another, yet when all things are calculated together, the difference between man and man is not so considerable, that one man can consequently claim for himself some benefit that another cannot claim, as much as himself. For,' Hobbes continues, 'with regard to bodily strength, the weaker has sufficient strength to kill the stronger, either by secret machinations or by allying himself with others who are with him in the same danger. Weapons and alliances create the possibility of punishing those who do not respect group rules, bullies and opportunists. But in the absence of a centralised monitoring infrastructure, of a monitoring institution, how could anyone tell who was breaking the rules, who was bullying or free-riding?

Gossip and Reputation

This is why people start to gossip. The practice of 'gossip' is born and evolves. This is not idle gossip, but a sophisticated form of communication that evolves to create a complex information network, capable of transforming individual experiences into shared knowledge. Gossip does not only serve to monitor, but to make information public. It is a mechanism of social transparency. Those who are generous are rewarded; those who cheat are isolated. Gossip fulfils a fundamental function in those early small societies because it helps to distinguish those who are trustworthy and generous from those who are opportunistic and only think of themselves. As Sterelny further writes, 'the social capital one possesses is the measure of the support one can expect from others in facing the trials of life. This support includes help in cases of conflict or illness. Moreover, social capital influences the options an agent has to move to a new group in case his or her own becomes inhospitable, as well as the possibility of negotiating a good marriage for oneself or one's relatives' (p. 80). In short, a good reputation is a very valuable form of wealth. It counts much more than material wealth, which in a nomadic, subsistence economy where everything you own must be easily transportable, has no social significance.

The Evolution of Moral Language

'Gossiping,' writes Sterelny, 'is a linguistically complicated business' (p. 79). To function, therefore, gossip requires an articulate language capable of communicating precisely 'who did what, to whom, when, where and why' (ibid.). This is when the evolutionary pressure mounts to help us move from grunts and gestural signals to the ability to name, judge and remember. The ability to speak evolved not primarily to tell stories, but to keep the moral accounts of the community. Before epic storytelling and poetry, before contract negotiations and philosophy, language was an instrument of justice. But language was not supposed to merely describe the world. It had to help orient it. Its fundamental function was not to report what had happened, but to discuss what should happen. It needed to talk not only about what had happened, but also about what should happen and the reasons why it should happen. Language sophisticated enough to indicate intentions and to distinguish between error and malice. It is at this point that language becomes moral, even before it is narrative. It is a tool for constructing shared norms, for anticipating the consequences of actions, for saying 'right' and 'wrong' in an articulate way. It is, after all, the operating system of cooperation.

Norms and rituals, the symbolic technology of cohesion

Norms, especially as social complexity grows, are essential for cooperation. "Most social norms," Sterelny writes, "promote prosocial behaviour. Thus, one of their main effects is the reduction of ambiguity about what to expect from oneself and others. The second role of norms is their relevance for the motivation of others. By reducing ambiguity, norms of sharing and division make defection more obvious and less deniable'. When determining who owes what to whom, and how to punish those who deviate, a code of explicit norms becomes essential.

Standards are essential, he continues,' Sterelny tells us, 'but they are never sufficient on their own. They can be clear, well-articulated, even rational. But without a structure that makes them visible, felt, legitimised, they risk remaining ineffective. It is in this space that rituals come into play; those symbolic and social tools that transform the norm from abstract command into shared experience.

But why are norms alone not enough and need the social technology provided by rituals? The first reason is that, in order to function, norms must be believed. That is, they must have a recognised origin, a history, a moral authority on which to be based. It cannot be a simple 'this is how it is done': it must be a 'this is right'. Rituals, with their codified theatricality and their connection to mythical narratives, exercise this foundational role, helping to make norms credible and legitimate by anchoring them to a shared past and a collective memory. But this is still not enough. Indeed, even a well-founded norm needs a motivational lever that drives individuals to respect it. All the more so when the violation promises immediate benefits, as in the case of bullies or free riders.

In this sense, rituals, as emotionally intense experiences, have the power to mobilise individual commitment. Participating in a ritual means not only learning a rule, but living it, internalising it, making it part of one's identity. It is no coincidence that many human societies entrust initiation rituals with the task of transforming young people into adult members of the community. These rituals are often hard, exhausting, sometimes even painful. But precisely because of this, they function as strong signals of trustworthiness and belonging. Those who agree to cross the ritual threshold demonstrate credibly, not only with words, their commitment to the group. There is a third important aspect that links norms and rituals: the former are abstract, by their very nature, while rituals are concrete. A norm is enunciated; a ritual is performed. The norm requires interpretation, the ritual a choreography. In this sense, rituals are a form of embodiment of moral concepts that become visible, shared, repeatable practices. They transform duty into gesture, obligation into deed. There is, finally, a final aspect that makes rituals complement moral codes, especially when it is necessary for cooperation to extend beyond the small family group. In these contexts, rituals become instruments of symbolic inclusion, capable of creating belonging even among strangers, of establishing alliances between different groups, of building trust.

An evolution that continues

We learnt, a million years ago, how to light a fire, then sit together around it, cook food and share it by telling hunting stories. We were still Homo erectus. Over time, those gestures became more complex, were codified and loaded with the most varied meanings. Tribal societies developed initiation rituals to mark the passage to adulthood: tests of courage, isolation, pain. Apparently cruel, but functional to a clear objective: to strengthen group identity and ensure obedience to its rules. In the ancient world, then, rituals became political spectacles. Egypt sacralises the figure of the pharaoh, Rome constructs ceremonies for every aspect of civil life: birth, war, justice. Public sacrifices and solemn oaths served to give moral foundation to the social order. It was not enough to just do things, they had to be done in a form that everyone recognised: ritual sacrifices, communal banquets, solemn oaths, pilgrimages, hunting rituals, ritual burials, cave paintings in sacred caves, night dances. Lives steeped in rituality.

Perhaps today many rites are emptying of meaning, but certainly that profound need for meaning that once generated them has not disappeared. That need to translate the sense of the just into shared, visible, emotionally tangible forms. Remembering that where there are norms without rituals, duty remains but cohesion is extinguished. And where there are rituals without norms, emotion remains but a sense of justice is lost. Only where the two hold together, like a common breath, can that high and fragile form of social order we call community be born.

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