Safety is lacking in training: 19 master’s courses in Italia compared with 84 in the UK
A report by Teha and Beretta sheds light on the small arms supply chain: around 8 billion euros in turnover and 88,000 employees. It is a sector that is often subject to prejudice and a lack of information. Starting with vocational training, which remains far too limited
by 24Ore NextMed
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Key points
The international landscape is undergoing a profound transformation that marks the definitive end to the expectations of stability that had taken hold following the end of the Cold War. The rise in conflict, the return of competition between major powers, the growth of hybrid threats, the proliferation of cyber-attacks and the manipulation of information have brought security back to the forefront of the political, economic and social agenda. Since the 2000s, the World Uncertainty Index has risen by over 1,300 per cent, reaching an all-time high by the end of 2025. In Europe, security has risen from 12th to 3rd place among citizens’ priorities: in 2026, 34 per cent of Europeans cited it as a priority objective for the European Parliament, immediately after inflation and support for the economy. According to the latest Eurobarometer data (April–May 2026), when asked what the EU’s top priority should be over the next five years, citizens cited security and defence first and foremost (18 per cent), followed by the economy and competitiveness (12 per cent). In this context, security must be understood as a multidimensional public good, comprising three interlinked dimensions: state security, understood as the protection of sovereignty and democratic institutions; personal security, linked to physical safety and quality of life; and economic security, based on productive resilience and the capacity to reduce unregulated strategic dependencies. According to the Position Paper, supported by Beretta, ‘Italia as a producer of security. The small arms supply chain: between national interest and collective security’, presented by the TEHA Group as part of the 52nd edition of the TEHA Forum in Cernobbio, Italians’ perceptions nevertheless reveal a significant gap between objective risk and perceived risk: the main sources of insecurity are attributable to economic factors (25.1 per cent) and personal safety (physical safety 15.9 per cent; health security 12.6%), whilst aspects more directly linked to national security, such as wars (8.7%) and political and institutional instability (6.5%), are seen as less of a priority. This finding highlights how national security tends to be perceived as an abstract concept, even though it is the enabling condition for other forms of security.
The Italian context: public culture, perception and information
Strengthening security depends not only on the availability of resources, tools and operational capabilities, but also on the public culture that underpins the country’s strategic choices. A society that does not adequately understand the nature of threats, the role of security institutions and the function of equipment is more vulnerable to polarisation, disinformation and difficulties in supporting decisions consistent with the national interest. In Italia, the operations of the Armed Forces and law enforcement agencies play a central role in the day-to-day protection of security and rely on the availability of equipment suited to contemporary challenges. 36.1 per cent of Italians cite the provision of greater resources and technological tools for law enforcement as a priority for action, implicitly recognising that a properly equipped officer can act with greater control, clarity and predictability. At the same time, the public debate on weapons and equipment remains shaped by a structural information deficit. Analysis of media sentiment highlights an ongoing shift: between 1995 and 2020, coverage of weapons and security was predominantly neutral (52.3 per cent), whereas in the five-year period 2021–2025, favourable sentiment rose to 42.3 per cent, surpassing both neutral sentiment (38.3 per cent) and negative sentiment (19.4 per cent). Media attention has also increased: the number of articles in the five-year period 2020–2024 rose by 70 per cent compared with the previous period and by a factor of 6.2 compared with 2000–2004. However, a marked polarisation persists when the focus narrows to small arms. Between 1995 and 2020, articles on small arms displayed negative sentiment in 47.2 per cent of cases, which was significantly more critical than the general topic of security. The vocabulary associated with weapons often continues to evoke conflict, violence and risk, rather than regulation, traceability, accountability and the institutional function of such equipment. This results in an assessment that is often formulated ex ante, as a pre-emptive risk judgement, rather than as a contextual evaluation within a democratic model based on rigorous controls. The fragility of the culture of security also emerges in the academic and educational spheres. In the 2025/2026 academic year, there are 19 master’s degree programmes in Italia relating to the fields of defence, security, intelligence, cyber security, crisis management, geopolitics and risk, compared with 42 in France, 64 in Germany and 84 in the UK. This gap indicates a lower level of integration of security and defence issues into the national education system and contributes to weakening the scientific and expert contribution to the debate.
Ensuring security requires stable national capabilities
Security is not merely an institutional function: it is also the result of the interaction between public policy, the State’s operational capabilities, technological expertise and the strength of the national industrial ecosystem, the report states. From this perspective, the Italian small arms supply chain represents a tangible component of the nation’s capacity to ensure security. The Italian supply chain constitutes an industrial ecosystem that is unique on the European continent in terms of its scale, vertical integration and regional roots. Italia ranks first in Europe for the number of companies operating in the core segments of the supply chain: it accounts for 50.7 per cent of European companies in the small arms sector, 25 per cent in components and 65.4 per cent in the segment for ammunition for civilian, sporting and hunting use. This leading position reflects a multi-layered and specialised manufacturing base, largely concentrated in historic industrial districts such as Val Trompia. In 2023, taking the extended supply chain into account, the sector generated a total economic value of around 8 billion euros and employed approximately 88,000 people. An analysis of exports confirms the competitive leadership of the Italian supply chain: the country accounts for around 26 per cent of European exports in the small arms sector, 13 per cent in components, 16 per cent in ammunition and 48 per cent in machinery for the arms industry. Italian manufacturing excellence is also evident in the sports sector, where Made in Italy is recognised as a global benchmark in terms of precision, reliability and performance. In addition to its economic and employment contributions, in a context characterised by geopolitical instability, trade tensions and potential disruptions to supply chains, the availability of manufacturing, technological and maintenance expertise within the country constitutes a factor of strategic autonomy and technological independence. The presence of in-house know-how, industrial capacity and engineering expertise makes it possible to rapidly adapt products and equipment to national requirements, avoiding constraints arising from standards imposed by foreign manufacturers and preserving sovereignty over technological choices. However, maintaining this national capacity cannot be taken for granted. Between 2015 and 2024, Italia, whilst remaining the world’s leading exporter of small arms, recorded a 5.6-point reduction in its share of global exports, falling from 26.3 per cent to 20.7 per cent. During the same period, Turkey gained 6.0 percentage points and increased the value of its exports by a factor of 1.3 compared with 2015. Other European countries are also strengthening their positions: Austria has doubled the value of its exports compared with 2015, whilst Poland has seen a 1.6-fold increase. There is therefore an urgent need to firmly embed the sector within the framework of national security and industrial resilience.
Priorities for action in Italia
In light of the evidence that has emerged, the Position Paper identifies four priorities for action to strengthen the culture of security and Italia’s role as a provider of security. The first priority is to formalise an Italian security strategy capable of aligning institutions, the Armed Forces, industry, research and civil society around a shared vision of national priorities. The second priority is to build an integrated public-private communication model. Security must be presented not as a purely emergency-related or divisive issue, but as a prerequisite for freedom, institutional continuity, the protection of citizens and development, the report states. Institutions must strengthen their ability to communicate contemporary challenges clearly and accessibly; the academic world must contribute scientifically grounded evidence and language; industry must promote transparent and informed communication, highlighting the elements of excellence, control and accountability within the national supply chain. The third priority is to enhance the national security production ecosystem. This means recognising the Italian small arms supply chain as a component of the country’s industrial resilience and operational continuity, by addressing the main factors of vulnerability. The fourth priority is to promote permanent platforms for analysis, dialogue and discussion on security issues. The increasingly cross-cutting nature of threats makes it necessary to move beyond a fragmented and reactive approach. Put simply: security comes at a cost, but this can represent a productive investment in security, innovation, employment and national industrial sovereignty.

