American University of Beirut

‘The reconstruction of Syria: a fragmented market in which Italia can bring its pragmatism to bear’

Joseph Bahout analyses the investment landscape in the country following Assad’s fall. “The economy remains influenced by political ties, institutional weakness and regional competition. For Rome, unlike Paris, opportunities will depend on diplomacy, careful risk management and a targeted approach.”

Il presidente siriano Ahmad al-Sharaa AP Photo/Altaf Qadri

6' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

6' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

‘Despite the fall of the Assad regime, the relationship between the business world and political power has not disappeared. It is a link that must be understood within its historical context. Since the 1970s, the Syrian business community has been closely linked to the country’s political leadership. The economic liberalisation of the 1990s gave rise to a new class of entrepreneurs close to the regime, whilst Bashar al-Assad’s rise to power further concentrated wealth and influence around figures such as Rami Makhlouf”, explains Professor Joseph Bahout, director of the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut (AUB), to 24Ore NextMed. A former researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, a lecturer at Sciences Po in Paris and an adviser to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bahout – whom we met in Beirut – has made a significant contribution to Middle Eastern studies and is the author of numerous publications, as well as a regular commentator in the international media.

Professor, let’s stay on the subject of Syria. How does the new system differ from the previous one?

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‘It has not completely severed its ties with the past, but it has different characteristics. Major projects and investments continue to require direct access to the Syrian political leadership. At the same time, a sovereign wealth fund has become one of the main instruments through which the state can finance reconstruction. Its resources include assets confiscated from figures of the previous regime and settlement agreements concluded with businesspeople seeking authorisation to return to Syria. This is not simply a continuation of the clientelist capitalism of the Assad era, nor is it a truly open and competitive market. The country is developing an intermediate model, in which private enterprise exists, but key economic decisions remain influenced by political authority.”

Joseph Bahout, direttore dell’Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs dell’American University of Beirut

What is the most pressing challenge facing Syria?

‘The most pressing problem is the shortage of capital. Years of war, sanctions and economic decline have left the state with limited resources. International investors, too, are adopting a cautious stance. Saudi investment has so far been limited and subject to political conditions. Qatar has provided financial support to cover public sector wages, whilst the United Arab Emirates has expressed interest in major projects, particularly in the property sector. The banking sector presents a further obstacle. Syrian banks are not yet operating at a level capable of supporting large-scale reconstruction, international payments or normal commercial lending activities. More generally, the country’s administrative capacity has been severely compromised. Ministries, courts and public bodies have lost staff and expertise. Some officials have been removed due to their links with the previous regime, whilst many qualified Syrians remain abroad because they do not yet feel confident enough to return. For foreign companies, these weaknesses raise practical questions. Who has the legal authority to approve a project? Which court will ensure that a contract is enforced? How can ownership of a property be verified? How can profits be transferred out of the country? Until these issues are addressed, Syria will struggle to become a predictable business environment.”

Can Syria be regarded as a single economic market today?

‘At present, Syria should not be regarded as a single economic market. The north of the country is now deeply integrated with Turkey. Turkish companies are active in the region, the Turkish lira is in circulation in some areas, and part of the electricity supply comes from Turkey. Aleppo, with its long industrial and entrepreneurial tradition, is also benefiting from the return of Syrians who spent the war years abroad. Southern Syria is influenced by tribal and commercial networks that extend as far as Jordan. The east follows a different trajectory, due to the Kurdish presence and the complex dynamics linked to security and the region’s energy resources. Damascus, meanwhile, remains the country’s political and symbolic centre. It is also the image that the government presents to the international community. Outside the capital, however, the situation is far more fragmented. This regional diversity means that international investors will need to adopt local strategies. A business model that works in Aleppo may not be suitable for Damascus, the south or the east of the country.”

Could Lebanon benefit from Syria’s reconstruction?

‘Lebanese businesses have long envisaged that the future reconstruction of Syria would present a major economic opportunity. This expectation may prove to be overly optimistic. It is likely that priority will be given to Syrian firms, whilst Turkish and Gulf companies could gain preferential access thanks to the political influence of their respective governments. Some Lebanese businesspeople may also be viewed with suspicion due to their past ties to the Assad regime. Lebanon’s financial crisis poses a further constraint. Its banks are not in a position to provide the necessary funding for large-scale reconstruction programmes. Syria, too, has changed during the years of war. Hundreds of thousands of Syrians have gained professional experience in Europe, the Gulf, Turkey and the United States. They have returned, or may return in the future, bringing with them expertise in the fields of finance, engineering, medicine, technology and entrepreneurship. Syria, therefore, no longer depends on Lebanese expertise to the extent that it did in the past.’

Does Italia have a reputation problem in Syria?

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‘Shortly before the fall of the Assad government, Rome had moved towards re-establishing relations with Damascus. This decision was based on the assumption that the regime would remain in power. Today, some Syrians view that choice as a premature normalisation of relations with the previous government. This is a manageable problem. A limited number of initiatives aimed at rebuilding trust could demonstrate that Italia has turned a new page and is ready to establish constructive relations with the new Syria. The European position as a whole will also be decisive. It is likely that Brussels will make significant financial commitment conditional on issues such as political inclusion, transitional justice and the protection of minorities. European companies will also need guarantees regarding the protection of investments, profits and contractual rights. For major projects, such as the development initiatives planned for Damascus, these guarantees will be essential.”

In which sectors could Italian companies compete?

‘Despite these difficulties, Italia has a number of advantages. Italian companies have demonstrated a remarkable ability to adapt in Lebanon and other regional markets. Italian products already have a strong presence in sectors ranging from industrial equipment to energy, from vehicles to household goods, and right through to infrastructure. Companies such as Eni could potentially contribute to the development of the energy sector, although American and regional competitors are already establishing a foothold. Other opportunities could arise in telecommunications, specialised construction, manufacturing systems, engineering, restoration and urban services. Initially, Italia should not focus on high-exposure projects that are entirely dependent on Syria’s political stability. A more prudent approach would be to focus on sectors in which Italian companies have a clear competitive advantage and where financial exposure can be managed. The option to withdraw or scale back operations should be an integral part of the investment strategy from the outset.”

How important is Italia’s history in the region? Can Italian pragmatism translate into influence?

‘Even the absence of a direct colonial past in Syria can be an advantage for Italy. Unlike France, the country does not carry the same political and historical weight in the Levant. Italian diplomacy is often perceived as more flexible and less tied to public statements on political values. This pragmatism must not translate into indifference towards corruption, human rights or legal risks. It can, however, help Italia to establish pragmatic relations with Syrian institutions, focusing on economic objectives that are realistically achievable. One proposal could be to map the Syrian community that has lived and worked in Italia over the last decade. Syrian entrepreneurs, academics, engineers and professionals could become important intermediaries between the two countries. An Italian-Syrian business council could help to develop these networks, identify reliable partners and strengthen Italia’s position both within Syrian institutions and in Syrian society. France, Saudi Arabia and Lebanon have already promoted similar initiatives. Italia could also draw on cultural diplomacy. Design, architecture, archaeology, education, restoration, the arts and the creative industries are fields in which the country possesses internationally recognised expertise. These forms of collaboration would offer a more enduring foundation than purely transactional commercial relationships.”

How should Italia invest strategically in the region?

‘Syria’s future will have consequences far beyond its borders. Its stability will affect Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and the entire eastern Mediterranean. For a country like Italia, which is seeking to strengthen its Mediterranean policy, engagement in Syria should therefore not be viewed merely as a quest for contracts. It is also an investment in regional stability. The opportunities are significant, but so too are the risks. Italian businesses will need legal safeguards, reliable local partners and carefully limited financial exposure. The Italian government, for its part, will need to rebuild political relations and coordinate its initiatives with the European Union. Syria is not yet a normal market. It remains fragmented, institutionally weak and politically uncertain. However, those countries that manage to build credible relationships today could find themselves in a favourable position should reconstruction gather pace. For Italia, the most effective strategy may be neither disengagement nor an immediate rush into large-scale projects. Instead, it could consist of a gradual approach, based on diplomacy, diaspora networks, cultural influence and carefully selected commercial sectors.”

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