The Hormuz crisis presents opportunities for cooperation between Europe and the Gulf

The war in Iran and the tensions surrounding the Strait of Hormuz have accelerated relations between European countries and the Gulf states, maximising opportunities for cooperation. Within the EU, as well as within the countries of the Middle East, there are differing approaches; for this reason, a common framework within which to operate would be needed. Furthermore, the war itself has demonstrated that security is no longer merely a term associated with defence. Rather, it is an issue that affects value chains and all infrastructure networks. Against this backdrop, the ISPI, Institute for International Political Studies, has produced a report, edited by Eleonora Ardemagni, which sets a new benchmark. The organisations contributing to the study include no fewer than seven Middle Eastern partners, ranging from the Emirates Policy Centre to the Gulf Research Centre, via Kuwait University. The report ‘Building Shared Protection: Gulf-Europe Security and Defence Cooperation After the Iran War’ therefore analyses how the war with Iran has accelerated the strategic rapprochement between the Gulf states and Europe, transforming a series of shared vulnerabilities into a potential area for structured cooperation. The crises of recent years – from the Russia–Ukraine war to tensions in the Red Sea and the Gaza conflict – had already strengthened ties between the two regions. However, the war with Iran and the related crisis in the Strait of Hormuz have made it even clearer that the Gulf and Europe are part of the same strategic space, criss-crossed by mutually dependent energy, trade, food, digital and infrastructure flows.

Contemporary threats are hybrid and multidimensional: they combine military, cyber, economic, intelligence and infrastructural elements. For this reason, the authors propose adopting the concept of shared protection, which broadens the notion of defence by integrating it with security, risk prevention, resilience and the capacity for a coordinated response. From this perspective, protection does not merely mean reacting to an attack, but above all anticipating crises, mitigating their effects and strengthening the continuity of the essential functions of the states and economies concerned. The report argues that, despite internal divisions within the European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council, the need for closer cooperation is now recognised by all. The focus is not on creating new, rigid institutional structures, but rather on pragmatic cooperation, based on permanent forums, specialised working groups and coordination on specific issues. A flexible yet stable approach is therefore proposed, capable of providing political direction whilst also offering operational tools.

The analysis focuses on four main areas. The first is critical infrastructure. Energy facilities, ports, airports, submarine cables, satellites, financial systems, data centres and cloud platforms are described as assets within a shared strategic space, exposed to threats that no longer draw a clear distinction between the physical and digital domains. Hence the proposal to develop a common framework for strategic resilience, including risk assessments, stress tests, emergency protocols, joint exercises and greater integration between cyber security and physical security. All these aspects are essential for industrial and technological stability. The second area is, of course, maritime security. Recent crises have shown that a disruption along the corridor linking the Gulf, the Red Sea and the Mediterranean has immediate effects on transport costs, insurance, delivery times and, consequently, on consumers. For this reason, the report suggests a permanent framework for maritime coordination between European and Gulf partners, involving not only navies but also coastguards, ports, customs authorities and commercial operators. The aim is to ensure the continuity of strategic flows through information sharing, surveillance, common protocols and preparedness against drones.

The third area concerns air defence, which has become crucial in the face of the proliferation of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones. The text notes that both Europe and the Gulf continue to rely in part on the United States, but also recognises European expertise in radar, sensors, early warning and command and control systems. Closer cooperation is therefore encouraged, based on the exchange of information, the planning of layered defences for sensitive sites, crisis simulations, and technological and industrial partnerships.

The Gulf states are aiming – as the fourth area of focus – to strengthen their local industrial capabilities, whilst European companies are seeking investment, reliable partners and long-term market access. The authors therefore propose developing maintenance hubs, training programmes, cooperation in research and development, co-production and technology transfer. In short, the saying that crises give rise to opportunities seems to be borne out by what is happening in Hormuz. The only issue is that the pace of change is extremely rapid, and no one is prepared to wait for the lengthy processes of European foreign policy.