Opinions

The crime of feminicide: all the weaknesses of the bill just passed

It will take time to see whether the approach taken will bring better results than in the past. But it is clear that the lack of strategic, evidence-based planning and the scant dialogue with stakeholders do not leave room for too much optimism in a context where the political narrative seems to have taken precedence over the real will to provide structural answers to a problem that is as deep-rooted as it is urgent

by Paola Degani and Laura Polverari *

25 July 2025

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On 23 July, the Senate unanimously approved the Decree introducing feminicide as an autonomous crime in the Italian penal code. The bipartisan approval of this text, which also provides for other regulatory interventions, represents an unquestionable success of the Meloni government and contributes to increasing the visibility of a phenomenon that represents a social emergency. It is, however, useful to reflect on the real impact that the DdL, once also approved by the Chamber, may have with respect to the conduct it intends to combat and how it fits into the broader context of the policies on gender violence implemented by the government currently in office.

What is feminicide? Femicide is defined by the United Nations as the intentional killing of a woman or girl for gender-related reasons. Unlike murder, feminicide is rooted in unequal power dynamics, gender stereotypes and harmful social norms. It represents the most extreme form of gender-based violence, which manifests itself in a continuum of interconnected forms of violence such as intimate partner violence, sexual harassment, sexual assault, and human trafficking.

The Meloni government has progressively reshaped its response to this phenomenon and, while maintaining formal continuity with the previous set-up - reconfirming the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and various existing measures such as the Freedom Income - has taken a more decisive stance on the issue, especially after the killing of Giulia Cecchettin in November 2023.

Some weaknesses in the current framework

The actions can be traced back to three main pillars: judicial reforms and increased penalties; increased financial resources (over 135 million euro for the period 2024-2026); an educational plan in schools (largely symbolic as it is voluntary). In our opinion, the current framework has some weaknesses in the decision-making process, policy content, effective protection of women and the narrative of the problem.

Italy has an articulated governance model that predates the Meloni government. This model includes an Inter-Institutional Steering Committee and an Observatory on Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, both established in 2022. The Observatory has an assembly in which civil society is expected to participate. However, of its 41 members only ten are appointed by NGOs and only three of them represent women victims of violence, which gives them little voice in policy-making. Also the parliamentary commission on feminicide does not seem to have been substantially involved in the decision-making processes: the DdL seems to have been drafted without its involvement, which is surprising considering that the commission had been working for months on the construction of a consolidated T.U. on violence.

Little room for the voice of the victims

Policy-making thus seems to have been concentrated in the hands of the competent ministers (Equal Opportunities and Justice) and their staff, with little heed to the organisations representing the victims or closest to them, such as the anti-violence centres (CAVs). It is not surprising, therefore, that the demands that women recurrently express in relation to their situation as victims of violence, which mainly concern the lack of economic and housing autonomy and the possibility of participating in court proceedings without having their parental capacity called into question, have not been reflected in the responses of the Meloni government, focused instead on the paradigm of security.

Moreover, despite the maintenance of financial support measures for women victims of violence and the considerable increase in overall resources, the allocation of funds to CAVs and shelters (CRs) remains insufficient compared to demand. This leads to delays, discontinuity, fragmentation and even uncertainty about the timing of provision and the resources available for these centres. This situation hinders the continuity of the services and compromises their uniformity across the country, since it is the Regions that are responsible for coordinating these centres, this being a shared competence under Title V of the Constitution. The same Freedom Income, moreover, which has been increased by the current government and currently amounts to EUR 500 per month for 12 months, does not have adequate resources to cover the needs. In essence, the government has intervened significantly on the level of criminal repression, but not as vigorously on the side of essential services such as CAVs and projects for the emancipation of women.

The drive for cultural change is lacking

There is also a re-framing of violence against women and feminicide. These issues have been reframed as part of a broader redefinition of gender issues according to traditional family values, in stark contrast to the Istanbul Convention and the fight against gender discrimination. Giorgia Meloni's emphasis on being a woman, a mother and a Christian reflects this shift, as does her choice to be called by the masculine (the President). It is therefore not surprising that little importance is given to measures to promote the cultural change necessary to reverse the power imbalance between men and women that underlies violence against women.

Overall, the Meloni government has intervened only partially responding to the standards defined at an international level, lacking an integrated vision and a balanced programmatic perspective regarding the different areas of intervention: preventive and punitive, empowerment and protection. The policies implemented seem to respond more to communicative objectives than to needs authentically linked to resolving the root causes of the problem.

Political narrative prevails over real will

In the years preceding the Meloni government, the foundations had been laid for legislation in line with international standards. However, at this stage, the lack of a strategic plan (the National Strategic Plan 2021-2023 has not yet been updated), sporadic interaction with stakeholders, the government's anti-gender orientations and the re-proposition of traditionalist models represent a setback. It is evident that it will take time to see whether the given approach will lead to better results than in the past. It is equally evident that the lack of strategic and evidence-based planning and the poor dialogue with stakeholders do not leave room for too much optimism in a context where political narratives seem to have taken over from the real will to provide structural answers to a problem that is as deep-rooted as it is untenable.

*Political Science Lecturers, University of Padua