NATO’s Southern Flank

Ships, armoured vehicles and the agri-food sector. Moscow advances into the Mediterranean

In recent months, Putin’s military and mercenaries have returned to Libya in force. The Kremlin has posted an ambassador with expertise in cyber security to Egypt and gained control of two seaports in Suez. Meanwhile, food imports from Tunisia have risen by 57 per cent. A combined – and not merely hybrid – strategy aimed at destabilising the region

Il presidente russo Vladimir Putin in occasione di una riunione della commissione Militare-industriale al Cremlino   EPA/VYACHESLAV PROKOFYEV

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

3' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

At the time of writing, a naval military exercise is taking place off the coast of Tripoli, involving not only Libyan vessels and personnel but also military personnel from Italy, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and France. Not to mention Malta, Mauritania, Portugal and Spain. The aim: to combat immigration, human trafficking and arms trafficking. A few days ago in Bizerte, in Tunisia, under the command of the Sixth Fleet, US Marines were training local special forces and those of the Tripoli government. Phoenix Express 2026 was the name of the exercise. This too was aimed at combating illicit trafficking. With one additional detail: measures were also taken to counter cyber-attacks targeting ships. Something that bears a striking resemblance to the so-called Russian ‘shadow fleet’. And perhaps this focus is no coincidence.

It is true that, for some time now, an average of 80 ships have been stationed in the Mediterranean, all too often switching off their transponders; yet it will not have escaped anyone’s notice that in recent months – and particularly since August – Vladimir Putin’s Russia has stepped up its activities with the clear aim of expanding its presence in the Mare Nostrum. These are many seemingly unrelated incidents, but it is worth connecting them like dots on a map.

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Let’s start in the east, in Syria. A convoy of four vessels (a cargo ship, two oil tankers and a destroyer) has docked at Tartus, following months during which no Russian ships had been spotted in the country.

Beyond diplomacy

In Egypt, whilst Italians were on holiday, Russia secured two major deals. Firstly, it appointed Artur Lyukmanov as ambassador, who had previously served as director of the Department for International Information Security. He is not a diplomat but an expert in security matters in fields often related to the intelligence services.

The aim is to establish a Russian-Arab cyber coalition with an anti-Western agenda. Shortly before that, in July, Moscow began construction of two logistics hubs (granted by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi for 99 years) at the entrance and exit of Suez. In September, four Russian defence companies took part in the defence exhibition in El Alamein, with the aim of securing agreements beyond the satellite sector. A little further west lies Cyrenaica. And it is in this part of Libya that the Kremlin is concentrating its military efforts.

Operation in Cyrenaica

A report by an independent US think tank has revealed the presence of military personnel and mercenaries from Africa Corps at no fewer than six air bases. These range from Tamanhint and Maaten Al-Sarra in the south, to Al-Khadim near Sirte, via Al-Jufra. Satellite images show work being carried out on the reconstruction of buildings and hangars, and the widening of runways.

More recently, whilst the four ships mentioned above were heading for Syria, three others diverted to Tobruk, which is under the control of Khalifa Haftar. The two cargo ships, escorted by a Ropucha-class landing craft, unloaded MRAP-type mine-resistant armoured vehicles and APCs for troop transport.

The operation took place late in the evening, at around 10 pm. According to sources consulted, the vehicles may have headed south, specifically towards Tamanhint and Maaten Al-Sarra, but also towards Al-Jufra and Al Khadim. Coincidentally, these are the towns that are home to the air bases reinforced by Africa Corps.

According to local media, the next objective could be to support Haftar against the tribes of Fezzan. Some of these tribes, as recently reported by Agenzia Nova, are prepared to do battle against the Benghazi-Moscow alliance. It is worth noting Eni’s presence in the area.

Even if we look towards Algeria, a certain pattern of activity can be observed. Over the past year, more than 160 cargo ships acting on behalf of the Kremlin have called at Oun El Bouaghi and Ain Oussera. It is not known what they were carrying. However, a delegation of Algerian MPs flew to Moscow in early September with the aim of strengthening ties.

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Strategy of Tension

Nothing of note regarding Morocco, but there is an interesting detail concerning Tunisia. Tunis’s agri-food exports to Russia have risen by 57 per cent since the start of the year. And that is not good news for Europe. We are witnessing a clearly defined military and diplomatic commitment on Putin’s part. Libya is a potential target, with the aim of boycotting the elections and destabilising any prospect of unification, to the detriment of greater energy integration with EU countries. Italia is at the forefront. But the rest of the Mediterranean too – we hope we are wrong – is set to become a target for at least a hybrid war, with a level of attention three times higher than last year.

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