Between Weber's PPE and Le Pen-Salvini's right wing, here's why the European elections risk turning into a trap for Meloni
She came to the government when more than half of the European legislature had already passed. She and her party contributed nothing to the composition of the Union government (they voted against the choice of von der Leyen as head of the Commission). The first step to overcome was to dismantle the prejudice against her and her party did not contribute in any way to the composition of the EU government (they voted against the choice of von der Leyen as head of the Commission). The first step to overcome was to dismantle the prejudices against him
4' min read
4' min read
It is a complicated election campaign for Giorgia Meloni. And the aftermath of the vote will be no less complicated. The premier's main goal is to strengthen her position in Europe. From the point of view of numbers there is no doubt that the response will be positive. According to the latest polls, Fratelli d'Italia is still sailing between 26-27% and even if down from a month ago; its deputies almost quadrupled from the current 6 to 22-23. The real issue, however, is how to make this greater weight count in Strasbourg but especially in Brussels, where the new EU government will take office.
Over the last year and a half of her government, the Prime Minister has made great efforts to build alliances and relationships that would help her to involve the other partners on priority issues for Italy. Something has been glimpsed, for example, on the immigration front, where there has been greater attention from European leaders, starting with the outgoing president of the commission Ursula von der Leyen. Less so, however, and more disappointing was the debate and above all the final outcome on the new Stability Pact.
Now, however, another game opens up with very different assumptions. Meloni arrived in government when more than half of the European legislature had already passed. She and her party did not contribute in any way to the composition of the Union government (they voted against the choice of von der Leyen as head of the Commission). The first step was to remove prejudice against her. It then moved to facilitate dialogue with some of its allied partners, such as overcoming Hungarian Viktor Orban's veto on funding for Ukraine. Starting next 10 June, however, it will be called upon to build the alliance that will govern the union for the next five years.
So far Meloni has got away with arguing that it is pointless to speculate when the outcome of the vote is still unknown. The leader of Fratelli d'Italia hopes to be able to help form a majority without the support of the socialists. A prospect that is rather unlikely at the moment. Meloni, however, needs to believe it and make her believe it also to fend off the attacks coming from her ally Matteo Salvini. The leader of the League has in fact decided to aim to the right. And it is to the premier's party that she looks in order to obtain enough votes not to challenge her leadership.
This is why Salvini has provocatively asked Meloni on several occasions both to rule out a possible alliance with the socialists and to support von der Leyen's encore. Meloni, however, unlike the Carroccio secretary, is not only a political leader but also a head of government, cwho sits in the European Council where the indication of the future president of the commission will take place and where the negotiations on the distribution of posts will take place. That will be the moment when alliances will be decided, and it is difficult to aim for a significant role if there is no dialogue with Germany and France, namely with the German Chancellor, the socialist Olaf Scholz, and with the French President, the liberal Emmanuel Macron. Of course it will depend on the numbers
