Hybrid clashes

Drones, water and deterrence: the war in Iran is changing our society and industry

Apart from the military forces deployed against Tehran and the destruction of its defences, there are no verified figures on its nuclear stockpiles or on the facilities that remain intact. The focus has shifted to water and electricity infrastructure, ushering in a phase – similar to that in Ukraine – of conflict with no clear objectives or timeframe. This phase will fundamentally alter European thinking in the coming years, in terms of value chains and production networks.

Una immagine diffusa dagli uffici della comunicazione dell’esercito iraniano raffigura il capo di stato maggiore  Amir Hatami mentre parla ai cadetti dell’accademia militare di Teheran  EPA

6' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

6' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

The war against Iran has demonstrated just how fine the line has become between tactical victory and strategic success. Thousands of targets can be struck, fleets crippled and facilities destroyed without eliminating the adversary’s residual potential, restoring freedom of navigation or establishing a sustainable political order. For Italia, France and Germany, geographical distance from the Gulf does not equate to strategic distance: energy, shipping, fertilisers, insurance, the defence industry and Mediterranean security now all form part of the same theatre. All the more so as the scope of security is also changing: cheap drones pitted against expensive interceptors, civilian infrastructure transformed into instruments of coercion, cyber-attacks coordinated with kinetic operations, and industrial supply chains called upon to produce faster than the contending parties can consume. The US assessment paints a picture of unquestionable operational superiority, but this does not equate to the end of the war. According to the White House, during Operation Epic Fury, US forces carried out over 10,200 sorties, struck more than 13,000 targets, intercepted over 1,000 drones and more than 700 ballistic missiles. The targets included over 2,000 command and control centres, 1,450 military industrial facilities, 1,500 air defence systems, around 800 drone-related sites, more than 600 naval targets and over 450 missile systems or depots. The United States Central Command subsequently assessed that over 85 per cent of Iran’s industrial base linked to ballistic missiles, drones and naval capabilities, and also attributed to the operations the neutralisation of 82 per cent of air defence systems and 161 naval vessels belonging to 16 distinct classes. These are US operational estimates, not independent verifications. They do not measure how quickly the sites can be rebuilt or what proportion of the missile and nuclear arsenal has survived.

Tehran’s nuclear capability

The most serious information gap concerns, in fact, the nuclear programme. In report GOV/2026/33, dated 4 June 2026, the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency noted the declared existence of 22 nuclear facilities and one site outside the complex, but reported that, in early June, the inspectors had only been able to gain access to the Bushehr power station. The Agency was therefore unable to verify the other facilities, the inventory of centrifuges, the suspension of enrichment activities or the location of stockpiles. The latest estimated stock level prior to the suspension of inspections, as at 13 June 2025, was 9,874.9 kilograms of enriched uranium, including 440.9 kilograms enriched to 60 per cent in uranium-235, 184.1 kilograms enriched to 20 per cent and 6,024.4 kilograms enriched to 5 per cent — Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of United Nations Security Council Resolutions in the Islamic Republic of Iran, GOV/2026/33 – International Atomic Energy Agency – 4 June 2026. The document also notes that on 2 July 2025, the Iranian President signed a law suspending cooperation with the Agency; the inspection agreement signed in Cairo on 9 September 2025 by the Director General and the Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi was subsequently declared invalid by Tehran on 20 November 2025. All this uncertainty forces adversaries to plan on the basis of the most dangerous scenario and makes further pre-emptive operations more likely, without guaranteeing that they will yield better results or information.

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The second paradigm shift, which has been extensively tested in Ukraine, concerns the relationship between offensive and defensive costs. An official analysis by the US Department of Defence notes that the Shahed-136s accounted for 66 per cent of Iranian responses between 28 February and 9 March 2026, without compromising US combat capability — Small Drones, Big Problems: A First-Principles Approach to Counter-UAS – US Department of Defence – 8 July 2026 — . However, the effectiveness of saturation attacks is not measured solely by the number of targets destroyed. The war against Iran has produced an impressive military outcome without providing the victors with a strategic conclusion based on reliable data. Demolished installations, reduced fleets and compromised chains of command coexist with three decisive unknowns: the remaining size of Iran’s arsenal, the impossibility of verifying the fate of nuclear material, and Tehran’s ability to shift the pressure from military bases to civilian infrastructure. Relatively inexpensive drones, missiles, cyber sabotage and maritime interdiction can transform Western air and naval superiority into a test of industrial resilience. The absence of decisive effects on the armed forces does not, in fact, equate to the strategic irrelevance of the drones’ effects. When targeting airports, terminals, substations, pumping stations and water treatment plants, the attacker does not need to gain air superiority: they must force the defender to protect too many points simultaneously, distinguish between real and false targets, and deplete interceptors, flight hours, radar capacity and maintenance resources.

Impacts on water, electricity and the cyber world

These effects lead to an interdependence between electricity and water. The M-Station power station in Jebel Ali, according to the Dubai Electricity and Water Authority, combines 2,185 megawatts of electrical capacity with a daily water production of 140 million gallons, utilising six gas turbines, six heat recovery boilers and three steam turbines. A facility of this kind concentrates economic value, public service and technical interdependence within the same site. Damage to transformers, control systems, seawater intakes or steam generation can simultaneously reduce both power generation and desalination, whilst repairs require industrial components that are not always available within the timeframes dictated by water reserves. On 22 March 2024, DEWA reported a storage capacity of 882 million gallons, set to reach 1,152 million with projects currently underway. Storage absorbs a shock; it does not replace interrupted production, especially if the attack also affects electricity grids and pipelines. Finally, the most dangerous sequence is cyber-kinetic: preliminary intrusion into operational networks, reconnaissance of industrial control systems, disruption of communications, a physical attack and subsequent information pressure on the population. On 7 April 2026, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency and the National Security Agency issued a joint advisory concerning cyber activities linked to Iran targeting water systems. The defender must therefore protect not only the physical asset, but also the ability to understand its status in real time.

The European internal issue

For Europe, the situation in Iran is already an internal matter. In its conclusions of 19 March 2026, the European Council called for a moratorium on attacks against energy and water infrastructure, the coordinated strengthening of the anti-drone and air defence capabilities of Gulf partners, an increase in the assets allocated to EUNAVFOR ASPIDES and EUNAVFOR ATALANTA, and an assessment by the Commission of the implications for energy security, prices, supply chains and migration. It also highlighted the deployment of military assets in the eastern Mediterranean and support for Cyprus. European defence will therefore need to integrate electronic warfare, artillery, cost-effective interceptors, hunter drones, high-end missiles and passive protection, reserving the most expensive weapons for the most dangerous threats.

Italy occupies a unique position: it is a manufacturing power, a Mediterranean frontier and a country dependent on the continuity of shipping routes. On 2 April 2026, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, officially linked the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz to maritime security, energy supplies and food security, declaring Italy’s willingness to consider multilateral initiatives for the safe passage of ships, provided they are backed by a clear United Nations mandate. For Rome, protecting the Strait of Hormuz also means safeguarding insurance premiums, fertilisers, containerised transport and industrial competitiveness. It also means preventing the security of the Gulf’s waters from tying up the very naval, anti-aircraft and logistical assets needed in the Mediterranean, the Red Sea and on NATO’s eastern flank.

On 8 March 2026, the French Minister Delegate for Europe Benjamin Haddad stated that Paris was not taking part in the offensive war, but had deployed the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle and its carrier strike group to the eastern Mediterranean, provided surface-to-air defences, intercepted drones and taken action to protect citizens, installations and partners, including the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait. This demonstrates how quickly a regional crisis can mobilise aircraft carriers, frigates, air defences, intelligence and evacuation capabilities at the very same time that Europe is required to support Ukraine.

Germany, for its part, has a more limited capacity for autonomous projection in the Gulf, although it carries greater weight within European industrial chains and economic stability. On 20 March 2026, the Federal Government spokesperson described interference with shipping and disruptions to global energy supply chains as a threat to international security, whilst also condemning attacks on civilian and supply infrastructure in Arab countries. On 27 March 2026, Germany, France and Italia, together with the other G7 members and the High Representative of the Union, called for the permanent restoration of safe and toll-free navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, citing United Nations Security Council Resolution 2817. We are now at a sort of starting point.

Iran is expected to seek to reduce industrial concentration, make launchers mobile, diversify supply routes and combine drones, missiles and cyber capabilities. Europe and the Gulf monarchies will need to decentralise water production, separate water and electricity where possible, pre-position transformers and control systems, protect operational networks, increase storage capacity and build a sustainable, layered defence. There are wars that never end and turn into a stable state of imbalance, capable of transforming societies and political approaches.

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