Assisted suicide

End-of-life care is a right for only one in four Italians, and national legislation is a puzzle

In Veneto, Tuscany, Emilia and Sardinia, the procedure for submitting a request for assisted suicide has been formalised, whilst in the rest of Italia cases are dealt with on a case-by-case basis

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

With the go-ahead from Veneto for the law on procedures for medically assisted suicide, the debate on end-of-life issues has been reignited. Following Veneto’s approval – the first centre-right region to do so – the number of regions in Italia that have regulated this has risen to four: the law has also been passed in Tuscany, Sardinia and Emilia-Romagna. In practice, for almost 15 million Italians – one in four Italians – the procedures for accessing the right to end-of-life care have been regulated in accordance with the criteria established by the Constitutional Court in its landmark 2019 ruling (and subsequent rulings), specifically: an irreversible medical condition, intolerable suffering, dependence on life-sustaining treatment, and the capacity to make a free and informed decision.

In these four regions, the procedure has been set out, including the process for submitting a request for assisted suicide, the timeframes and the bodies responsible for assessing eligibility. For those living in the rest of Italia, there are sometimes administrative regulations governing the matter, but in practice cases are dealt with on a case-by-case basis, with the risk of lengthy delays and the matter being passed back and forth between local health authorities. There is also a real possibility of receiving a different response depending on the region in which one lives. All eyes are also on Parliament, from which a law has been awaited for seven years – a goal that, for the time being, remains a conundrum.

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All the restrictions laid down by the Constitutional Court

There have been eight decisions by the Constitutional Court: Order 207 of 2018 and seven judgements, from 2019 to 2026. The process began in 2017, when Marco Cappato accompanied DJ Fabo, Fabiano Antoniani, to Switzerland for assisted suicide and subsequently turned himself in to the authorities. In that case, in Order No. 207 of 2018, the Constitutional Court identified a possible conflict with the Constitution regarding the absolute ban on assisted suicide and gave Parliament approximately one year to take action, postponing the hearing until September 2019. No legislation was passed, and in Judgment 242 of 2019, the Court ruled that assisted suicide is not a criminal offence provided certain specific conditions are met: an irreversible medical condition, intolerable suffering, dependence on life-sustaining treatment, and the capacity to make a free and informed decision. Furthermore, the procedures set out in Law 219 of 2017 must be followed and the requirements verified by the National Health Service.

Since then, the Constitutional Court has defined the scope of this provision. Judgment 135 of 2024 clarified the concept of life-sustaining treatment; Judgment 66 of 2025 specified that the requirement may also apply to those who refuse treatment necessary for survival. Ruling 132, on the other hand, addressed the procedures for self-administering medication. The issue then moved to the regional level: in Ruling 204 of 2025, the Court recognised that the Regions have discretion over organisational and procedural aspects. Decision No. 148 of 2026 intervened in the law passed by Sardinia, declaring certain provisions that exceeded those limits to be unlawful. Finally, in Decision No. 152 of 2026, the Constitutional Court confirmed that dependence on life-sustaining treatment remains a requirement for the exemption from criminal liability set out in Decision No. 242.

The risk of receiving a different response depending on the region

“In the absence of a national law, almost seven years after Constitutional Court ruling No. 242/2019, the procedures are entrusted to the regional health services: Four regions have enacted legislation setting out organisational procedures, others have adopted administrative acts, whilst others still deal with cases on a case-by-case basis. As a result, the same request may receive different responses depending on the region and the professional in charge. When it comes to a fundamental right, in a procedure that does not allow for subsequent corrections, the lack of uniformity in the guarantees provided is unacceptable”. This is explained in a statement by the Italian Society of Psychiatric Epidemiology and theLuca Coscioni Association, which have sent the regional health departments a technical protocol setting out, in practical terms, how to assess the capacity to make free and informed decisions in requests for medically assisted suicide. “The assessment of decision-making capacity is the only prerequisite requiring a clinical evaluation of a psychopathological nature and is, at the same time, the one lacking shared methodological guidelines,” argues the Luca Coscioni Association – The protocol proposed by SIEP fills this gap: no psychiatric diagnosis in itself constitutes grounds for exclusion; the assessment is individualised and carried out using validated tools; at least two interviews are required, held several days apart, one of which must be a private consultation without third parties present; the opinion of a second independent psychiatrist is mandatory where the psychiatric component is significant; any judgement of unsuitability must be justified in writing”.

The deadlock in Parliament: the national law is a conundrum

Meanwhile, the deadlock in Parliament over the end-of-life bill – which the Constitutional Court called for a full seven years ago – continues. In June, the Bazoli bill (which had already been approved by the Chamber of Deputies during the previous parliamentary term) was referred back to the joint Justice and Health Committees, where the deadlock had already persisted for over two years. The majority in the Senate has, in fact, approved a motion to adjourn, tabled by Fdi, to allow for further examination of the matter. This is also because, in addition to the text proposed by the PD senator, there is also a bill tabled by the centre-right in Parliament: the Zanettin-Zullo bill. The main differences between the two proposals concern eligibility criteria, conscientious objection and the role of the National Health Service. It is on this last point that the clash between the majority and the opposition is most heated: for the centre-left, end-of-life care must be provided free of charge by the public health service; for the centre-right, the process must take place outside the scope of the NHS’s standard services. The Fdi group leader in the Senate, Lucio Malan, , justified the motion to adjourn precisely in order to try to find a compromise between the two positions. “This is not a request ‘to delay proceedings’,” he explained, “but to find a solution.” These arguments were rejected by the opposition, who lashed out against the decision to adjourn. “There is a desire to bury the bill,” Bazoli claimed.

There are some nuances within the centre-right. So much so that the Veneto region, spurred on by Luca Zaia, has just passed a regional law on end-of-life care. In Parliament, Forza Italia is the party most sensitive to the issue, led by its group leader Stefania Craxi. The Forza Italia MPs voted in favour of the motion to adjourn the debate so as not to split the majority, but Craxi reiterated in the Chamber the party’s determination to press ahead: “The request to return to committee is not a delaying tactic. We would be the first to denounce it if it were. We in Forza Italia have chosen to bring this issue back to the centre of the debate because we believe that Parliament can no longer shy away from a matter that concerns the individual, their freedom and their dignity. And this debate must be free. It has nothing to do with the Government, nor with the majority or the opposition.” The fact is that, even if there were a desire to speed things up, the timeframe would still be extremely tight with the end of the parliamentary term on the horizon.

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