The Mediterranean cyber space: a new geography of power is taking shape
Those who control chips, cables and software can influence the sovereignty of others without owning their infrastructure. In the wider Mediterranean region, including the Gulf states, the decisive factor is the freedom to use technology
As the digital race intensifies, it is becoming increasingly clear that owning infrastructure does not mean controlling it. In the Gulf, for example, part of technological sovereignty is negotiated in Washington, even before the new data centres become operational. In May 2025, the US and the United Arab Emirates announced in Abu Dhabi an AI campus with a projected electrical capacity of 5 gigawatts. A few months later, Washington authorised the Emirati company G42 and the Saudi company Humain, led by CEO Tareq Amin, to each purchase the equivalent of up to 35,000 Nvidia Blackwell GB300 chips, whilst imposing security and reporting requirements. Two states are funding their own technological ambitions; a third is setting the conditions for access to a technology that is crucial to realising them.
In this context, in the wider Mediterranean, dialogue between states calls for a common question: what benefits does each seek to derive from cyber capabilities, and what constraints limit their use?
Five power programmes
In the programmes of Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, as we have seen, technological transformation relies on investment and partnerships. Once the purchase has been made, the key issue becomes building local expertise: who will be able to manage the equipment and migrate a service? The speed with which a data centre is opened does not indicate how long it takes to switch providers. It is this second timeframe that should be assessed in digital sovereignty programmes.
France and Israel offer two examples of integration between expertise and employment. Paris has entrusted Comcyber with military operations in cyberspace, with a stated offensive doctrine. In Israel, the link between military experience and entrepreneurship is also fostered by the association of former members of Unit 8200, which founded and supports the 8200EISP accelerator.
Iran, on the other hand, exploits its adversaries’ digital exposure to exert pressure. It is an asymmetric lever: a civil vulnerability provides a point of political pressure without requiring superiority over the adversary’s entire system.

