Macron cerca il rilancio francese in Africa
dal nostro corrispondente Alberto Magnani
by Emilia Patta
Ahead with the electoral reform, all the way, with the goal of the House's green light set before the summer recess so as to have the Senate's 'stamping', and thus the law ready for use, as early as the autumn. But not without first trying to involve the oppositions, if only as a matter of method and to escape the accusation of wanting to change the rules of the game by majority vote.
Having only five days ago received the political green light from the majority leaders, namely deputy prime ministers Antonio Tajani and Matteo Salvini and the leader of Noi Moderati Maurizio Lupi, Giorgia Meloni makes it clear that she is not joking and that on the overcoming of the single-member constituencies of the Rosatellum she puts a sort of political trust: at Palazzo Chigi last night, around the table, the leaders were once again gathered, but this time accompanied by the parliamentarians who followed the confrontation on the Melonellum (Giovanni Donzelli for Fratelli d'Italia, Roberto Calderoli for the League, Stefano Benigni and Alessandro Battilocchio for Forza Italia). "Are changes to the basic text necessary? Then let's make them, the changes, trying to involve the oppositions,' was the premier's input.
Hence the mandate to the group leaders to formally start the discussion table with the oppositions 'in the coming hours'. "Our sole objective is to provide Italy with a reform that guarantees governability and stability, for the entire legislature, to whoever wins the elections," reads the concluding note of the summit, which lasted just over an hour. "With this spirit, the majority is ready to start the confrontation with the oppositions to verify whether, as it is hoped, there is a convergence on the objective of stability or whether rather they prefer systems that, by not guaranteeing a clear result, allow those who do not have the consent of the majority of citizens to govern."
In other words, no more broad-brush or technical governments: at a closer look, a 'slogan' that also crosses the interest of PD secretary Elly Schlein, who also continues to reject as 'inadmissible' the proportional system with a majority prize for those who exceed 40% of the votes put forward by the centre-right. As it happens, there is not much hope in the majority as to the possibility of really involving the oppositions, as can be seen from the defiant tone of the final note (the accusation of wanting to change the rules to suit oneself in order to win is answered by "then you aim at inciucio and governing without a popular mandate"...). But it is one thing to have an electoral law not voted by the minority but constructed, so to speak, with its contribution, and quite another to go to the Chamber with all the walls up, given that in Montecitorio secret votes are foreseen on electoral matters.
On the merits, in the crosshairs of the oppositions and part of the constitutionalists has ended up, as is well known, above all the majority prize, conceived as a fixed quota of 70 deputies (half in the Senate) up to a ceiling of 230 out of 400, almost 58%. Too much, the critics note, because although the prize is fairly contained (in the various scenarios it almost always remains around 10%) under certain conditions it could touch 60% and in any case exceed the 'constitutional' threshold of 55%, putting the winners in the position of being able to elect the Head of State in total autonomy. There are two solutions already on the table: either opting for a fixed percentage prize of 55% (solution preferred by Forza Italia) or reducing the list from 70 to 60 deputies (solution preferred by the League, which thus aims at internal compensation for the loss of uninominal constituencies in the North). Then there is the knot of preferences, absent from the basic text due to the opposition of the League but relaunched by Fratelli d'Italia and theoretically supported by the Dems and the Pentastellati.