Erdogan’s strategy

Turkey is capitalising on the economic fragmentation of the Sahel. More weapons and more raw materials

The rift between the Sahel countries and the Economic Community of West African States is shifting the regional balance of power, whilst Russia, China and Turkey are expanding their influence. Oil, gold, lithium and trade corridors are transforming a security crisis into a matter of economic sovereignty and control over the military supply chain. Ankara is taking advantage of this to shut down the security supply chain

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Il presidente turco Recep Tayyip Erdogan  Mustafa Kamaci/Ufficio stampa presidenziale/Foto fornita tramite REUTERS

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

5' min read

Translated by AI
Versione italiana

The rift between the countries of the Sahel and the Economic Community of West African States is shifting the regional balance of power, and since politics, like nature, abhors a vacuum, Russia, China and Turkey are expanding their influence. Oil, gold, lithium and trade routes are transforming a security crisis into a matter of economic sovereignty and control over the military supply chain. On 10 July, the AES defence ministers ratified the legal status of the Unified Confederation Force in Ouagadougou. For Mali and Niger, where the World Bank forecasts public deficits of 2.8 per cent and 3.4 per cent of GDP respectively in 2026, the development of joint military capabilities must contend with competing demands for investment and social spending. For this reason, Turkey – even more so than Russia – is taking steps to forge relationships that can be managed independently of budgetary constraints.

I BUDGET PUBBLICI DEL MAGHREB E DEL SAHEL

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The early signs of the crisis

The crisis in West Africa has entered a phase in which military security can no longer be separated from the economic stability of states, the availability of strategic infrastructure and competition between external powers. On 29 January 2025 Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger formalised their withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States, creating an institutional rift. However, these states remain dependent on Atlantic ports, international markets and regional financial networks. Local governments are demanding greater political autonomy, but jihadist organisations continue to exert pressure on territories and trade routes. The result is a contradiction set to weigh heavily on European decision-making: politically more independent states may become economically more vulnerable, just as oil, strategic minerals and supply chain security are becoming increasingly important.

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The establishment of the Confederation of Sahel States, known as the AES, has altered the political landscape of West Africa, separating Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger from ECOWAS (the Economic Community of West African States), which retains twelve members. This is not merely a redefinition of alliances. The split affects regional trade regulations, rights of movement, customs procedures and the mechanisms through which states coordinate their responses to cross-border threats. ECOWAS itself has acknowledged the economic consequences of a disorderly separation. In January 2025, it called for the continued recognition of existing identity documents, free movement and the trade arrangements provided for under regional agreements until new operating procedures are established. On 23 March 2026, it appointed Lansana Kouyaté, former Prime Minister of Guinea and Executive Secretary of the organisation, as chief negotiator in relations with the three countries. These developments reveal the political crux of the crisis. The governments of the AES may redefine their diplomatic and military relations, but they cannot unilaterally alter the economic landscape.

Data on violence points to a systemic crisis

According to an assessment published in August 2026 by the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, 9,928 fatalities linked to jihadist violence in the Sahel were recorded in the preceding twelve months, out of a total of 23,872 across the entire African continent. In the Lake Chad basin, the number of fatalities rose from 4,153 to 6,643, confirming the intensification of a conflict in which organisations affiliated with the Islamic State and various groups linked to Boko Haram retain significant military capabilities. The distribution of violence, however, is not uniform. Benin and Togo have recorded year-on-year decreases in fatalities, from 277 to 81 and from 194 to 43 respectively. This disparity makes it impossible to describe the whole of West Africa as a region affected by a single process of deterioration.

The paradox becomes apparent when comparing the economic data

For 2026, the World Bank forecasts real growth of 5 per cent in Mali and estimates 7 per cent in Niger, driven in part by the expansion of the oil industry. Burkina Faso had already recorded estimated growth of 5.3 per cent in 2025, compared with 4.8 per cent in 2024.

An economy can increase its mineral exports whilst entire provinces remain exposed to violence, public services are disrupted and part of the population loses access to productive activities. The challenge for governments lies in transforming sectoral growth into predictable tax revenue, investment and administrative capacity.

In Mali, for example, the World Bank forecasts a current account deficit of 5.2 per cent of GDP in 2026. Gold production and lithium development are bolstering export prospects, but rising costs of fuel, transport and imported materials continue to affect the economic balance. The availability of natural resources does not solve the problem of transforming them into wealth that can be utilised by the state. Niger is one of the most significant examples of Africa’s new energy landscape. The completion of the Niger–Benin oil pipeline in May 2024 has expanded the country’s capacity to reach international crude oil markets. The infrastructure has bolstered prospects for growth and public revenue, whilst simultaneously introducing a strategic dependence on the continuity of cross-border operations and access to seaports. In 2025, according to World Bank trade data, Niger’s crude oil exports reached approximately $1.891 billion.

The vulnerability of the extractive industry

In Mali, gold is a key component of exports, whilst lithium contributes to the diversification of the mining sector. In Burkina Faso, the new Mining Code and the formalisation of part of the artisanal and semi-mechanised production are affecting the ways in which the state controls production activities and tax revenues.

These countries require energy, transport, capital, technology and access to international buyers. The security of transport links is a key component of industrial policy, whilst the reliability of infrastructure has a significant impact on both investors and public finances. The transformation of military alliances in the Sahel has opened up increasing scope for Russia, China and Turkey, through different models of cooperation. Moscow has strengthened its security ties with the region’s military governments; Beijing has developed a broader system of financial, technological and institutional cooperation; Ankara has consolidated its presence through defence exports and related industrial services.

The most significant figure is set out in the Action Plan of the Forum on China–Africa cooperation for the period 2025–2027. Beijing has announced financial support totalling 360 billion renminbi, comprising 210 billion in credit lines, 80 billion in aid and at least 70 billion in investments by Chinese companies. On the security front, the programme includes a military contribution of one billion renminbi and the training of 6,000 African military personnel. These are commitments covering the entire continent, not allocations automatically attributable to the three AES countries. Their significance lies in the proposed model of engagement: financing, infrastructure, training and technology are integrated into a framework of cooperation capable of fostering lasting relationships with governments and state institutions.

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Russia and Turkey operate according to different principles, but share a crucial industrial aspect. The acquisition of military systems entails requirements for maintenance, training, spare parts, upgrades and technical support that extend well beyond the initial handover. Diversifying suppliers broadens African governments’ negotiating freedom, but can multiply technological and contractual dependencies. A country may reduce the political influence of one partner only to find itself tied to multiple suppliers, each of whom is indispensable for maintaining specific capabilities. Military sovereignty, in this case too, depends on financial resources, industrial expertise and organisational continuity.

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